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3&artiarli CnllcgE libraro
BRIG-IIT LEGAOY.
Desci^ndants ofllenry BrieM, jr., who died at Wafer.
tr>wn,Mass.,iat6ti6,ai«cntltLcii to hr>ld scholarships It
Harvard ColJe^, estsblisJied in iKSo under tlie will oi
JONATHAN BROWN BHIGHT
of Waltham, Mass., with one hulf tlie incnmc of Chi:
eliiribte to Che scholarships. The nill tcquires tha
this announccnieut shnll be m^e ia wen book ;idde(
to Jhe I.ibniry imdsr iU prcvisiims.
I
r
Christopher l.,e\
OF YORK,
'I he Pioneer (',ol!>nisL in (,^'^^^l> !>
BY jAAIKS l'!ii\\[.;\-^/\ V ri-i^ \. W.
I Adtdor op Qeorob OLEsrE OF Casco Bxv, Tub BniTisti Inv»»ic)n
TRB North, Sir Fbriiinakdo GoRnea ami iiih
Protibcb of Maikb, «c., »c.
?m»TED FOR THE GORGES SOCiETV
.893.
w
' i ■.
/
Two Hundred Copies.
No
5-/
From tub Press of
STEPHEN BERRY, PORTLAND, ME.
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT
OF YORK.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Preface, - . - . . . . vii
Memoir of Christopher Levett, - - - i
A Voyage into New England, - - - 89
Appendix, 140
Index, 152
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
The City of York, England, in Levett's Time, i
The Church of St. Michael le Belfry, - 7
Title page of Voyage into New England,
^ Map of Old York, . . - -
Levett Genealogy, ....
79
105
140
PREFACE.
The Maine Historical Society published in 1847 a
book of thirty-four pages, bearing the attractive title of
"A Voyage into New England^ begun in 1623 and ended
in 1624, Performed by Christopher Leveti, His Majesty s
Woodward 0/ Somersetshire, and one of the Council of
New England, printed at London by IVilliam fones and
sold by Edward Brewster, at the sign of the Bible, in
Paul's Churchyard, 1628."
This reprint of a very rare book was of considerable
interest to historical students, and their interest in the
book naturally awakened an interest in its author;
hence, the frequent enquiry, " Who was Christopher
Levett?" The most that was known about him was
that he was a Yorkshireman, and that when he wrote
his book, he was living at Sherborne, in Dorsetshire.
Certainly it was evident that he was a man of some im-
portance, since he was the King's Woodward of Somer-
setshire,
viii PREFACE.
setshire, and a Councillor of New England, besides being
a captain in the royal navy, and an author ; but a year's
search of the registers of Sherborne and neighboring
parishes failed to reveal anything respecting him. In a
visitation of the county, however, made in 1623, was
found the name of his wife and several of his children,
which was considered valuable information, since it
gave some idea of Levett's social status. Of course the
parishes in the city and neighborhood of York demanded
attention ; but a patient search of their registers re-
vealed but little. The early seat of the family was found
at Normanton, Yorkshire, and in the ancient church in
that town was found an interesting tomb erected to
Elizabeth Levett, the founder of a girls' school there.
A further search. of old records disclosed the fact, that a
branch of the family settled at Melton, where, in the
old church, founded in the reign of Henry I, was found
a stained window bearing the Levett arms. The regis-
ters of numerous parishes in Yorkshire were carefully
searched, but although Levetts were found here and
there, offshoots of the Normanton family, Christopher
for a long time strangely eluded discovery. Finally,
however, a number of important items came to light ;
first, his baptism on April fifth, 1586, and the name of
his father, Percival, and of his mother, Elizabeth Rother-
ford;
PREFACE. ix
ford ; and later his marriage to Mercy More in the
Church at Guisley in 1608, and the baptism of their
four children at All Saints' Pavement in York. The
families of his father and mother and of his wife were
also traced through records, all of which occupied time,
but were not fruitless.
A considerable collection of manuscript notes had
now been gathered, which, with numerous letters from
antiquaries and others to the author, were arranged in
a scrap book in chronological order, and the search was
continued in other directions. In the office of the Public
Records, London, important matters turned up ; a letter
written by Levett to Buckingham's Secretary ; the letter
book of Lord Conway, containing items relating to
Levett's New England affairs, and a proclamation of
Charles the First, relating to the same subject; but
after an extended search of several years more, a most
valuable find was made, at Melbourne House, in Derby-
shire, the old residence of Secretary Coke, comprising a
number of letters written by Levett to the Secretary,
which disclosed many important facts relative to the
writer. By permission of Lord Cowper, Mr. Fane most
kindly copied these invaluable documents, and they
were added to a collection which was growing apace.
But there was one discouraging thing: after 1628,
persistent
X PREFACE.
persistent search failed to find anything whatever relat-
ing to Levett, except a single scrap in 1632, mentioning
an inheritance of one of his daughters from her father.
This revealed the important fact that he was dead at
this date. In Winthrop*s Journal was an entry to the
effect, that when the Governor landed at Salem in 1630,
John Endicott and " Captain Levett " came on board
his ship to welcome him, and somewhat later, that " Cap-
tain Levett " died at sea on his return voyage to England.
Was this Christopher Levett .f^ No proof could be
adduced in support of such a supposition, and the simple
query elicited disapprobation, as unreasonable as unex-
pected. The query was certainly a proper one, and the
most that could reasonably be said in reply was, that it
might or might not have been. At last, however, a visit
was paid to Bristol, England, the home of the Cabots,
for the purpose of examining the ancient records there
for matters relating to some of the early Colonists of
New England. Among other records those of the Pro-
bate of Bristol were examined, and. Eureka ! here was
the proof that the " Captain Levett " of Winthrop was
the veritable Christopher himself, the unquestionable
proof, comprised in a brief record, to the effect, that his
wife, Frances, administered upon his effects brought to |
Bristol by the ship upon which he died.
The
I
PREFACE. xi
The author had now gathered enough to throw con-
siderable light upon this first, hitherto unknown owner, of
Portland soil, and this he now presents in the following
pages, to those who are interested in such subjects,
regretting deeply that he has been unable to give his
readers a more complete account of the man himself.
To some it will doubtless seem that the result of his
undertaking is too insignificant to warrant the labor
bestowed upon it.
Before closing, the author should ackowledge favors
received from historical friends. He cannot too fully
express his deep sense of obligation to Dr. Francis
Collins, formerly of the Charter House, London, and
now of Fulford, York, who has, to use the words of the
late Rev. Frederick Brown, " lovingly aided " the author
in his researches. His warm thanks are likewise due
to Dr. John Sykes, of Doncaster, and Wm. Noel Sanis-
bury, Esq., of the Rolls House, London. To Dr. Chas.
E. Banks, Hubbard W. Bryant and Henry F. Waters,
the author is also indebted for favors.
A closing word in relation to Levett's book: this
it was thought best to reproduce with all its quaint spell-
ings and abbreviations ; indeed, with all its errors. The
author has always doubted the propriety of reproducing
abbreviations and errors, or unusual departures from the
modern
xii PREFACE.
modern orthographical standard, but the custom of
printing ancient books in their original forms has been
adopted by so many eminent historical scholars, that he
has thought it prudent to follow, more constieto.
JAMES PHINNEY BAXTER.
Mackworth Island, Sept. i8, 1893.
MEMOIR OF CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
|HE family of Levett' is of ancient origin, and
in the reign of Henry the seventh, was seated
at Normanton in Yorkshire,' where it had
flourished for many generations.
A branch of the family, through marriage with an
heiress, took root at Melton, as we know from a deed of
partition
1* The name is frequently so spelt
in ancient annals, and is the form
used by the subject of this memoir,
as will be seen by reference to his
signature.
2. This ancient family is repre-
sented in the Normanton church by
a brass tablet bearing the arms of
Levett, sable, a fess embattled, coun-
ter embattled between three lions,
heads erased, argent, with this in-
scription :
** Here lieth entombed the body of
Robert, son of Thomas Levett,
of Normanton, Gnt. who was
buryed the 29 day of March,
Anno Dni. 1687,
iEtatis Suae. 29."
Also the following inscription may
be seen here :
" Normanton Church,
To the Memory
of Mrs. Elizabeth Levett, widow, who
by her will, vested in 6 Trustees £200,
the interest of one for the use of the
Poor of Normanton, Snydale.
The interest of the other for a Dame
to teach the Girls of Normanton
& Woodhouse to read, knit & sow.
She also gave £50, half of it condi-
tionally to build a poor house &
the other for the use of the poor."
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
partition of lands, dated the twentieth of June in the
fourth year of that reign' ; besides, the family coat of
arms may still be seen emblazoned upon a stained glass
window in the venerable church of Melton, which was
founded in the reign of the first Henry,
Other offshoots from the family took root here and
there in Yorkshire ; indeed, for many generations they
did not grow beyond the limits of the old county, and
the persistency with which they clung to it made them
distinctly a Yorkshire family^ ; hence we may understand
why Christopher Levett, the subject of this brief mono-
graph, entitled himself on several occasions as of York,
even after he had removed to another county in the
English realm. It was but an exhibition of family pride
quite as pardonable as natural.
Christopher Levett was one of a family of four chil-
dren born in the city of York, where he received baptism
at All Saints Pavement on April 5, 1586.
His father was Percival Levett, innkeeper, who was a
man of character and influence, since he was made free
of the city in 1581 ; filled the office of City Chamberlain
in 1584,
8. Vide Hunters' South York-
shire. London, 1828, Vol. I, p. 365.
4. Vide Berry's Sussex Genealo-
gies, pp. 229, 373 ; Dallaway's Sussex,
Vol. II, Part 1, p. 345; Forster's Vis-
itation of Yorkshire, p. 644 ; Harleian
Society's Publications, Vol. VIII. p.
437 ; Hunters* Deanery of Doncaster,
Vol. 1, p. 365; Millers' History of
Doncaster, p. 186.
i
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 3
in 1584, and was Sheriff in 1597-8. His uncle, Richard
Levett, was also a man of note in his native town, of
which he was mayor in 1596, and again in 1608. The
mother of Christopher Levett was Elizabeth Rotherforth,
the daughter of Alexander, and niece of Robert Rother-
forth, " gent," as the records designate him, from whom
she inherited property in Yorkshire. Of the childhood
and youth of Christopher Levett, unfortunately no me-
morials have reached us, and but for his voyage to the
shores of Casco Bay, his very name would have been
buried in oblivion. His youth was passed in stirring
times, when Briton and Spaniard were engaged in a
deadly struggle for the mastery of the seas, and when all
eyes were turning towards a new world in the West, just
emerging from an obscurity hitherto impenetrable; a
richer prize than had yet aroused to destructive activity
the cupidity of the nations of Europe.
Sir Francis Drake had encompassed the world, and
tiie marvelous story of his adventures was still fresh,
quickening the iaspirations of the youth of that age of
poetry and romance ; of measureless ambition and mag-
nificent achievement. He was in his cradle when Drake
scattered to the winds Spain's invincible Armada, and his
infant slumbers must have been disturbed by the joyful
tumult with which the tidings of that beneficent exploit
was
■J.
4 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
was welcomed in the streets of his native town ; and later,
he must have often listened with eager ears to the ad-
ventures of Hawkins and Drake, Gilbert, Ralegh and
Frobisher, the latter of whom was a Yorkshireman, told
by gossips over their ale in his father's inn.
Respecting his education, we know that he received
a fair one for his time. The Levetts, as a family, favored
letters, John, a nephew, was an author'' ; Christopher
himself twice adventured authorship, and his son Jeremy
graduated at Cambridge and became a preacher. We
may well picture him then, trudging to school through
the streets of the old town where the Levett inn stood,
and follow him througli the varied, but familiar experi-
ences of school life, until the time arrived for him to
take up his life work; and what so attractive to the
young man of the Elizabethan age as a life of maritime
adventure ?
The men who commanded the admiration of the
world in this age were mariners, heroes of the seas, to
whom was rendered unstinted worship. No names stood
higher
6. A copy of a book in the British
Museum by John Levett, entitled
" The Ordering of Bees," printed in
London, a. d. 1634, contains a preface
by "S. Purcas" in rhyme. One of
the stanzas is as follows :
" Thy selfe, thy aelfe enough, enough
thy Booke,
Thy Booke commands, and 7, my
Levett, leave it.
Here in small Bees, God's greatnesse
first I looke,
And thee thy selfe though dead to
live yet."
A "John Levet, Merchant," was
one of the Virginia Company, named
in the charter of 23d May, 1609.
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 5
higher on the roll of glory than those of Columbus and
Cabot. These great navigators were regarded almost
as demi-gods, and there were men then living, who re-
ceived almost as rich a meed of reverence. No wonder,
then, that Christopher Levett, when he reached a suitable
age, made choice of the sea for his field of enterprise.
Unfortunately we know not with whom he served his
apprenticeship ; but no doubt with some of the seamen
of the time, whose names are yet familiar. He was near-
ing manhood when Elizafceth ended her brave reign so
wretchedly, and was succeeded by that caricature of
royalty, James Stuart, whose pernicious policy caused
England, who had proudly vaunted herself, to become
contemptible among the nations of Europe, who were
her inferiors in all things which constitute true national
greatness.
It was difficult enough in Elizabeth's reign for young
men to make their way in life, so restrictive were the laws,
and so numerous were court favorites, who, with their
monopolies, blocked the course of commerce and ham-
pered the industries of the nation ; but with James came
a more rapacious horde of these creatures of royalty
than had hitherto oppressed England, and to make
matters worse, the avenue to military success, which had
been a principal one, was suddenly closed by the new
monarch,
6 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
monarch, to whom every thing which savored of war
was odious ; thus, at the period when Christopher Levett
entered manhood, it had become almost impossible for
anyone to gain access to any avenue of success, unless
through the patronage of some court favorite.
What Levett's course was at this time we know not,
but later on we find him attached to Buckingham, the
chief of that swarm of vampires, who were then preying
upon the English people.
«
A reaction against religious tyranny had long before
begun, and as it progressed it drew to itself those opposed
to oppression in every form. Those who allied them-
selves to this movement were of various opinions, and
the kind and degree of their opposition varied accord-
ingly.
How far young Levett was affected by this movement,
we are not informed ; but we find him, at the age of
twenty-one, intimate in the family of Robert More, rector
of Guisley, a famous Puritan of his day^ and hence
opposed to the existing order.
It is the old story. The sturdy Puritan had a fair
daughter, named after the Puritan style, Mercy, and with
her
6. The will of this noted man was
recently discovered by Dr. F. Collins,
of Fulford, York, and kindly sent to
nie. The original, knawed by rats
and otherwise defaced, has been care-
fully copied by Dr. Collins, and is
deemed of sufficient interest to be
placed in the appendix to this work.
i
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 7
her Christopher fell in love, and found his affection re-
ciprocated. Evidently the father looked with favor upon
his daughter's choice, as the young people were married
in the church at Guisley before the close of the year 1608 ;
Levett, who was of the parish of St. Michael le Belfry at
York, having obtained there a license to be married in
the former parish. That the newly married couple took
up their residence in York, we learn from the fact that
here we find recorded the baptism of their children. The
names of these, all baptized at All Saints Pavement, are
Sarah, baptized September 27, 1610; Rebecca, June 28,
1 61 2; Mary, September 7, 161 3; and Jeremy in 16 14.
It has been remarked that Christopher Levett had
attached himself to Buckingham, which accounts for his
removal from York and residence in Sherborne in Dor-
setshire, where we find him, in 161 8, employed in the
royal forests.
In the British Museum is a book written by him and
published at the time by William Jones, who, a few years
later, published his Voyage into New England.
The title of this book is as follows :
"An
Abstract
OF
Timber Measures.
Wherein
I
8 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
Wherein is contained the true content of the
Mast timber Trees within the Realme of
England, which vsually are to
be bought and sold.
Drawne into a brief Method by way of Arithmeticke
and, contrived into such a forme, that the most simple
man in the world, if he doe but know Figures in their
places, may vnderstand it, and by the due observing of
it shall be made able to buy and sell with any man be he
never so skillful, without danger of being deceived.
By C. L. of Sherborne in the Countie
of Dorset, Gent.
A Toone of Timber doth containe 40 square foot.
In a foot square is 1 728 Inches.
In three-quarters of a foot is ; 1296 Inches.
In halfe a foot is 0864 Inches.
In a quarter of a foot is 0432 Inches.
Printed by William lones, 1618."
The dedication is —
" To the High and Mightie James
By the Grace of God,
King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland."
and is signed —
'' Your
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
44
Your Majesties loyall
subject till death.
Christopher Levett."
The book is commended —
" To the Right Honorable The Nobilitie
of the Realm of England by
Your Honors poore friend."
Under a quaint head piece the reader is also ad-
dressed as follows :
" To all Timber buyers and sellers and
all others that deale in Timber or Timber workes
that love good dealing, and to be well
dealt with.
Your Wel-willer,
C. LJ "
Then, under the title "An Abstract for Timber-
measures," are tables arranged to show the contents of
pieces of timber of various sizes. Levett's book evi-
dently found an extensive use, as it furnished a ready
means for ascertaining the contents of lumber by a
method then quite new; indeed, Levett appears as a
pioneer
7. It 18 doubtful if another copy
of this book exists. It is bound witli
•everal other unimportant publica-
2
tions, and may easily escape the at-
tention even uf one interested in the
subject
lo CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
pioneer in compiling tables of measurement. This book
was doubtless of benefit to the author, as it brought him
to the king's attention. He was acquainted with timber,
and possessed of a knowledge of ships, gained from his
profession of a mariner ; hence, he was well fitted for
the position to which he was assigned, that of Wood-
ward, of Somersetshire. This was an office of consid-
erable importance, as it placed the royal forests largely
under the control of the incumbent.
From these forests was drawn the timber for the
British navy, the right arm of English power, and owing
to the ignorance or dishonesty, or both combined, of the
officials who managed them, they often suffered serious
spoliation. The protection of the forests had for some
time been a subject of solicitude to those who had the
welfare of the kingdom at heart, and methods for their
preservation had been discussed.
The Woodward's duties were somewhat onerous. He
was not only expected to protect the growing timber
against trespassers, but to select and mark, with the
king's broad arrow, trees suitable for conversion into
masts for the royal navy.
Levett claimed to have performed the duty disinter-
estedly, and for the best interests of the realm. If he
did this, he certainly accomplished what some of his
predecessors
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. ii
predecessors failed to accomplish, if the stories told of
the management of the forests were true.
In 1623, Levett, who is spoken of as one of the
captains of his Majesty's ships, was still a resident of
Sherborne, the favorite home of Ralegh. His wife,
Mercy, had died, and he had married Frances, the
daughter of Oliver Lottisham, Esq., of Farrington, Som-
. ersetshire, and their children were Timothy, then aged
eight, and Elizabeth, aged six years. The Lottishams
were an old county family of distinction, and this marriage
gives us an idea of Levett's social standing.
The public interest in the new world had been aroused
to a remarkable degree by the opposition, which had been
raised in Parliament against the charter of the Council
for New England, on account of the monoply which it
was attempting to exercise in accordance with the priv-
ileges which had been conferred upon it by Royal char-
ter.
A clamor was raised against the Council, the head
and front of which was Sir Ferdinando Gorges. The
indefatigable efforts of Gorges to open New England to
colonization, aided by Captain John Smith and others,
who had visited the coast and returned home with some
knowledge of the vast resources of the country, and es-
pecially the achievement of the brave men, who had suc-
cessfully
12 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
cessfully established themselves at Plymouth, had at
last awakened the English people to a partial realization
of the fact that their colonial possessions in the West
were important, and this tended to increase hostility
to the monopolists. Within the territory of this vast
monopoly, which extended from the fortieth to the forty-
eighth parallel of latitude, and from the Atlantic to the
Pacific, it was ^ necessary to establish some degree of .
governmental order.
The powers of the Council were extensive, as it had
ample authority to enact laws and to establish courts ;
in fact, to create and set in motion everything necessary
to energetic rule ; nor was its jurisdiction confined by
territorial limits, but extended to those on the high seas,
who were coming to or departing from its domain.
Besides these remarkable powers, the Council could con-
trol the entire commerce of New England. No vessel
engaged in commerce could enter a seaport or river, or
touch at an island within the limits of the Council's
charter, without incurring liability to seizure and confis-
cation. Nor was this enough ; the Captain and crew
might be imprisoned and punished in any manner not
contrary to the laws and statutes of England.* Such
powers imposed heavy responsibilities upon those who
might
8. Vide Sir Ferdinando Gorges
and his Province of Maine, Boston,
1890, Prince Society, Vol. 2. pp. 123-
148.
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 13
might wield them, and it was necessary for the Council
to select men of character and ability to represent it.
At this time Christopher Levett was contemplating
a voyage to New England with the view of establishing
a colony.
On the fifth of May, 1623, the Council for New Eng-
land voted to grant him 6000 acres of land, to be selected
by him within the limits of its charter,' and Levett at
once set on foot measures to accomplish his purpose.
A prominent feature of his plan was to erect a city within
the territory controlled by him, and to christen it after
his native city, York. Not only was this grateful to his
pride as a citizen of the minster town, but it was expected
that the novel enterprise would attract the attention of
his Yorkshire friends, and enlist their interest. His first
step, after securing his grant, was to get the ear of Secre-
tary Conway, whose influence was secondary only to
that of Buckingham, and in this he so far succeeded, that
he not only obtained from the obliging Secretary his
own, but also the king's endorsement of the enterprise,
as we learn from the following letter, addressed by Con-
way to the Lord President of York.'** Right
9. Vide Records of the Council
for New England, Cambridge, 1867,
p. 46. '* In consideraQon of a statute
given by Mr. Christopher Levitt, Esqr,
for jCIIO to bee a principall patten tee.
Prout pr statute. It is ordered that
a grant bee made uuto Mr. Levitt for
6,000 acres of land, prout, &c. This
grartt was drawne by S' Henry Spel-
man and signed, prout, &c."
10. Vide Conway's Letter Book,
No. 218, p. 68, in the office of the
Public Records, London, for the orig-
inal of this letter.
14 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
Bight Honorable:
I am commanded by his Ma., to acquaint yo. Ld. with the good
judgment his Ma., makes of the undertaking in New England more
particularly of the plantaijon intended in that part by his servant
Mr. Christopher Levett one of the Counsell for the settlement of
the planta^on where he hath one designe that is generally honorable
to the Nation and to the p'ticular County and City of Yorke intend-
ing to build a Citty and call it by the name of Yorke. This appli-
cation of his whole designe to the p'ticular County of Yorke,
deserves p'ticular contribution of favo. towards this soe notable a
good worke. His sute is that he might have Adventurers to joyne
w., him to sett forth fiftie men w., fiftie others that he intends to
carrie over, 1 1 and that such as shal be unwilling to adventure may
neverthelesse be mooved to contribute towards building of a Fort
which he intends to make for the preservation of those i* that are
to depend upon him, & to secure tiie planta9on. His Ma., request
therefore to yo. L. is that yo. will employ your industrie and yo.
judicious mediation betweene the Gentlemen of that Countie and
Mr. Levett and by all fair psuasions to weane from the Countie
some assistance upon such conditions as may be just and suteable
w. his reputa^on w. favo. his Ma., will acknowledge as done att his
request. And 1 am glad of this opportunity to doe this Gentleman
a good
11. In the original the following
words after the word "over," are
era«ed, ** or else that he might have
some contribution to enable him to
take with him these fiftie men he
raifteth hiniHelfe he being resolved to
make a effort."
12. After the word "those" the
following words are erased, *' wch
shall preserve all.'
II
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 15
a good office and to present my service to yo. L. w. that affection
& respect w. becomes
Yo. Lo., humble servant,
EDW. CONWAY. 13
Greenwich, 26 June 1623.
Although Levett had this strong endorsement, which
without doubt engaged the active efforts of Lord Scrope'*
in his behalf, he did not succeed in getting so many of
his old Yorkshire friends to join him in his promising
enterprise as he had hoped to get ; nevertheless, he ob-
tained a ship and a number of men, and with them set
out for New England, not long after the date of this
letter.
It had been arranged that Levett was to be one of
the councillors in the new government, which the Coun-
cil for New England contemplated setting up in their
domain. The head of this government was Robert
Gorges^'* the younger son of Sir Ferdinando, who was
commissioned
13. Edward, Lord Conway, Secre-
tary of State, afterwards Viscount
Killaltagh and Viscount Conway.
14. Lord Emanuel Scrope, Lord
President of York, afterwards Earl
of Sunderland.
1& A l)rief account of Robert
Grorgesisto be found in Sir Ferdi-
nando Grorges and his Province of
Maine, Boston, Prince Society, Vol.
II, p. 167. Bradford, in his History of
Plymouth Plantation, p. 148. et seq.,
says ; " About ye middle of Septem-
ber arrived Captaine Robert Gorges
in ye Bay of ye Massachusetts with
sundrie passengers and families, in-
tending there to begine a plantation ;
and pitched upon ye place Mr. Wes-
ton's people had forsaken.
He had a comission from ye Coun-
sell of New England to be a generall
Gover. of ye cuotries, and they ap-
i6
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
commissioned Governor and Lieutenant General of New
England. The other councillors were Captain Francis
West'* and the Governor of New Plymouth. In addition
to his office of councillor, Captain West held a commis-
sion as Admiral, and Captain Thomas Squibb'^ as Vice
Admiral, of New England. These had authority to
choose such associate councillors as they might think
necessary to aid them in the administration of the new
government. As the church was to be erected in the
wilderness, the Reverend William Morrell'* was charged
with that important undertaking. All these men were
of good character and possessed of fair ability.
In spite of the clamor which had been raised against
the monopoly of Gorges and his associates, the king's
sympathies were with them, and his Privy Council fol-
lowed
pointed for his counsell and assist-
ance, Captaine Francis West, ye
aforesaid admirall, Cliristopher Lev-
ite, Esquire, and ye Govr. of Plimotti
for ye time beeing, &c/'
16. Vide Sir Ferdinand© Gorges
and bis Province of Maine, Vol. I, p.
128.
17. Capt. Thomas Squibb, who
bore the somewhat exaggerated title
of Vice Admiral in this expedition,
belonged to a class of roving adven-
turers of which Capt. John Smith
was a typical representative.
Some time previous to his appoint-
ment under West, he had been a
captive in Algiers, and upon regain-
ing bis liberty, found congenial em-
ployment in a fleet sent out from
England to reduce the pirates.
He did not long remain in New
England to help prop up the govern-
ment of Gorges, for we tind him, ere
long, a privateersman, despoiling the
enemies of England, in which profit-
able occupation, diligently followed
by him for several years, the world
loses sight of him forever.
18. Vide Ibid, Vol. 1, p. 129.
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 17
lowed the views of the monopolists in shaping orders for
the regulation of trade in New England. These were
strict, and the Admiral was directed to affix them to the
mainmast of every ship bound for New England.
Christopher Levett reached the Isles of Shoals, which
appear to have been his first landfall after leaving the
shores of England, in the autumn of 1623, where he
landed, and from there proceeded to a place now known
as Odione's Point, at the mouth of the Piscataqua, where
David Thompson, an enterprising young man, had, a
few months before, settled a small colony. Here Levett
found Governor Gorges and other members of the new
government awaiting his arrival ; and here, after Levett
had received the oath of office, was formally organized
the first government, de jure if not de facto^ over New
England. Levett was obliged to remain at Thompson's
for a month, though he made good use of his time in
exploring the country in the vicinity, in order to collect
his men, many of whom had already found their way to
New England before him, and were awaiting his arrival,
probably about the mouth of the Saco and Spurwink,
and perhaps at points even further East.
The season was far advanced when his men assembled
at Thompson's, and it proved to be unpropitious for ex-
ploration ; but dividing his company into two parties, he
coasted
3
i8 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
coasted Eastward, suffering much inconvenience from
the rough weather which he encountered, as he had only
open boats with which to explore the coast. His courage
and cheerful disposition, however, were equal to the occa-
sion, and defied the wild storms of sleet and snow which
assailed him. After examining the region about the
York river,'^ which he found suitable for planting, he pro-
ceeded to the Kennebunk and explored the little harbor
of Cape Porpoise, which did not impress him favorably,
though he noticed good timber in the vicinity. From
here he set his course for Saco, losing one of his men on
the way ; in what manner he does not explain ; and had
not proceeded far before a thick fog curtained the land
from view. He was, however, wise enough before losing
sight of land to take its bearings, which enabled him to
keep his course correctly. The wind, which was blowing
off shore, kept increasing in violence, and as night shut
down upon Levett and his boat's crew, for the other boat
had disappeared, their condition was perilous. This they
realized and took counsel together as to the best method
to adopt for their safety. The roaring of the great waves
as they broke along the beaches, which here fringe the
coast for a long distance, made the gloom of night, as it
gathered about them, all the more terrible. It was im-
possible to make a landing owing to the dangerous surf,
and
19. Vide Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, Vol. I, p. 130.
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 19
and throwing out their little anchor, Levett and his weary
crew anxiously wished for the day. At dawn, "with
much ado," they made a landing and found the other
boat safe. Putting up a feeble shelter against the storm
with their sails, for five days they retained this place
as a base from which to make their explorations. Here
they found plenty of wild fowl, upon which they regaled
themselves, and save for the fact that they were obliged
to sleep in their wet clothing, on the water soaked and
frosty ground, they were not badly off. When the storm
permitted, Levett, taking with him six men, set out on
foot to explore the coast, but after proceeding about two
miles he found an impassable barrier to further progress
in the Saco river, which compelled him to return to
camp, and finding the marsh grass sufficiently dry, he
set his men gathering it for a bed, which he greatly en-
joyed ; or as he himself expressed it, " rested as con-
tentedly as ever I did in all my life " ; indeed, he was
reminded by the comfort, which the dry straw gave him,
of the merry saying of a beggar, that if he were ever " a
king, he would have a breast of mutton with a pudding
in it, and lodge every night up to the ears in dry straw,"
and with the abundant cheerfulness which marked his
character, he kept his companions in good spirits by
witty anecdotes, wholesomely spiced with piety, to the
effect
20 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
effect that they were having, even then, much greater
blessings than they deserved at God's hands. The next
day Levett sent one of his boats with four men to skirt
the shore along the mouth of the Saco, while he with
three others set off across the country on foot, with the
intention of meeting the boat and crossing the river in
it, but bad weather and deep snow prevented, and com-
pelled him and his companions to sleep upon the river's
bank, almost without shelter.
When morning came, they crossed the Saco and
explored the coast as far east as the Spurwink. Every-
where they found abundance of game, which in a measure
compensated for the many deprivations, which they were
obliged to suffer. A primeval forest fringed the shores,
from which loomed above their fellows immense pines
suitable for the tallest ships which sailed the seas, and in
greater profusion than Levett had ever pictured in his
•
dreams; as he expressed it, there was everywhere, "a
world of fowl and good timber." The Saco River was the
strongest he had ever beheld, owing to the force of its
current, which was so strong that he found the water " in
the very main ocean " as fresh as from " the head of a
spring." This strange river, he was told by the savages,
issued from a great mountain to the west, called the
Crystal Hill, so high as to be seen by mariners as far
west as Cape Cod, and east, as Monhegan. Old
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 21
Old Orchard Beach, which Champlain and De Monts
had visited and described, when, seventeen years before,
they, like Levett, were seeking for a place where they
might settle a colony, attracted his attention, but Ifke
his predecessors, he did not deem it suitable for habita-
tion ; an opinion in which the many, who now so happily
sojourn there, would not acquiesce. None of these places
fully satisfied our explorer, and he returned to the camp
where he had left a number of his men at " Saco " ; not the
site of the present city of that name, but nine miles below
it, at a place now called the Pool, where Richard Vines,
the then future founder of Biddeford, had passed a winter
with the natives a few years before. Here he was
seized with a chill, the result of excessive toil and expo-
sure to wet and cold, from which, however, thanks to a
hardy constitution, he soon recovered. Having prepared
for a more extended exploration, he set out with his
entire company, and skirted the coast until he reached
the islands at the mouth of Portland Harbor. These
islands, now known as House, Cushing's, Peak's, and
Diamond, with the harbor which they helped to form,
pleased him. The region he calls by the not eupho-
nious name of Quack, which probably but imperfectly
represents the sound in the Indian tongue.
Levett explored the harbor and rowed up Fore river,
which
22
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
which he named Levett's river, and which, the Indians
informed him, abounded with salmon in their season.
Although inwardly resolving to make this the site of his
future city, he wished to study the coast eastward, and
pushed on past Munjoy to the mouth of the Presump-
scot. This beautiful river, with the green island at its
outlet^° dividing its waters as they course to the sea,
must have presented a striking picture to Levett, as he
rounded Martin's Point,^' with its wide spreading oaks
and lofty pine.s sweeping to the water's edge. Pulling
up toward the first fall of the Presumpscot, which he
declares to be " bigger than the fall at London bridge,"
he soon came in sight of the home of the red men, who
welcomed him with abundant hospitality ; the chief shar-
ing with him his own habitation. This
20. Mack worth Island, granted to
Arthur Mackworth by Richard Vines,
acting in behalf of Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, the Lord Proprietor, March
SO, 1635. Mackworth's residence was
on the point bearing his name oppo-
site the island, which pedestrians can
reach by a bar left bare at low tide.
This island was a favorite resort of
the Indians, whose camps surrounded
its bold shores. Recently a large
portion of it was ploughed for the
first time, exposing the locations and
forms of the ancient camps, and un-
earthing various implements, frag-
ments of aboriginal pottery, bones
and ashes. Though more than two
hundred and fifty years have passed
since it was granted to Arthur Mack-
worth, it still bears the name of its
first owner.
21. This beautiful promontory,
now crowned by the U. S. Marine
Hospital buildings, derives its name
from Richard Martin, an illiterate
fisherman, first in the employ of John
Winter, the agent of Robert Trelawny,
at Richmond's Island, but who, after
the wreck of Trelawny's enterprise,
settled on this point and became Ar-
thur Mackworth's nearest neighbor.
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 23
This locality seems to have been a convenient rendez-
vous for the Indians, for while Levett sojourned with
Skitterygusset, the sagamore of the Presumpscot, several
chiefs from east and west gathered here in a friendly
manner, bringing their families with them, and such furs
as they had gathered during the winter, to barter with the
English. With these savages Levett soon found him-
self on friendly terms, and when he left the Presumpscot,
Sadamoyt, the great chief of the Penobscots, in a fervor
of affectionate feeling, pressed upon him a beaver skin,
as a token of esteem.
In spite of his predilection for Portland Harbor,
Levett prolonged his voyage to the vicinity of the Saga-
dahoc, where Gorges, always confidently hoping to re-
trieve the failure of his enterprise under Popham, was
intending to found a " state county," and to build a city,
which was to have the honor of being christened by the
king.
Levett, in his voyage along the shores of Maine, found
the Indians everywhere kindly disposed towards him,
and numerous sites suitable for plantation. His heart,
however, was set on the region about Portland Harbor,
which his practiced eye told him was the most suitable
place on the coast for a maritime city, and after a brief
examination
24 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
*
examination of the Eastern coast, he returned there and
selected the site for his prospective city of York.
Levett's probity was as marked as his sagacity, and
instead of seizing upon the land by virtue of his English
patent, he procured from Cogawesco, the Sagamore of
Casco, and his wife, permission to occupy it, recognizing
them as inhabitants of the country, and as having " a
natural right of inheritance therein." This is in marked
contrast with most other patentees of lands in New
England, and is highly to his credit. By this wise act,
he secured the good will of the Indians and thereby
greatly strengthened his position ; indeed, he so won
upon the affections of the childish and passionate natives,
that they strove to persuade him not to leave them, but
to remain and share their rude lot. Having secured the
site for his city, Levett promptly set about erecting
a habitation, fortified to protect its inmates from attack
by the Indians, who thronged the bay in search of fish
and game ; indeed, the islands and shores of Casco Bay
were as much a summer resort of the Indians as they
now are for men of another race.
Having completed his building on an island at the
mouth of the harbor, and placed in it ten men to hold
possession, Levett bade adieu to his Indian friends, who
expressed sorrow at his departure, assuring him that they
should
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 25
should watch the sea for his return, and should welcome
him and the friends whom he might bring with him to
his new home.
When Levett reached England, he found affairs there
unfavorable for his undertaking. The patent for New
England, under which he had received title, had been
on trial before Parliament, and had been adversely
passed upon as a monoply. There was also trouble with
Spain, owing to the rupture of the marriage contract be-
tween Prince Charles of England and the Princess Maria
of Spain, brought about by the intrigues of Buckingham.
A new danger, still greater, threatened Englishmen who
had already settled in New England or contemplated
settling there ; as the French monarch, whose sister, the
Princess Henrietta, had taken the place of the Spanish
Princess in the affections of Prince Charles, laid claim to
a large portion of the American continent, embracing
the whole of New England.
The enthusiasts, who had founded powerful States,
and prosperous cities in New England, with materials no
more substantial than paper and ink, lost heart, and
Levett found none bold enough to join him in his
enterprise. No matter how fervent his faith in the new
country, its possession under a title from the Council,
or even from the English Crown, might be disputed.
Surely
26 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
Surely there was little to warrant men to encounter the
perils with which emigration was surrounded.
Baffled in his efforts to interest others in his New
England scheme, Levett now sought a command in one
of the many expeditions fitting out for foreign service.
The Count of Mansfeldt had raised a large force of Eng-
lishmen, and the fleet bearing them had sailed from
Dover some weeks before Levett sighted the shores of his
native land ; indeed, when he arrived, news was already
reaching England of the dire disasters which were befall-
ing this ill-planned expedition, but which only served to
fire the ambition of aspiring adventurers.
The Christmas of 1624 was passed by Levett in the
bosom of his family, at his home in Sherborne. His last
Christmas had been spent on the wild shores of Maine,
amid savage people, exposed to bitter blasts and restricted
to meager fare ; but now, at home in Merry Old Eng-
land, having safely returned from a voyage, the hardships
and hazards of which were appalling to homefolk, we
may well believe that he gave, by his presence at the
family fireside and his stories of strange adventure, a
keen zest to the joy of those who shared with him the
happiness of that happiest of festal days, and that wife,
children and kinsfolk united in making the occasion as
joyful as possible. But Levett was a man who could not
long
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 27
long remain idle, and the sounds of busy preparation,
which came to him from every quarter, prompted him to
action; therefore, while he was eating his Christmas
dinner, and relating stories of his savage friends in Casco
Bay, he was thinking of a letter to be written to Secre-
tary Coke," which, if favorably received, would soon take
him from his family and place him amid new perils.
This letter was written to the Secretary on the day after
Christmas, and began by speaking of the writer's change
of heart several years before, and of the desire which was
awakened in him to do something for the glory of God
and the good of the Church and Commonwealth. Before
this, Hakluyt had told of the wonderful new world peopled
with degraded men, whose souls could be saved by Chris-
tian effort, and eloquent divines had repeated his words
to wondering auditors. To such " Reverend and worthy
friends" Levett told the noble Secretary he went for
counsel, and while he asserted his confidence in being
able with assistance to make his New England enterprise
successful, he begged for employment of some kind,
though possessed of means sufficient for his support " in a
reasonable good fashion," since he could not exist in
idleness, and in support of his case he adduced, as usual, a
quaint
i 22. Sir John Coke was made one
ol the Secretaries of State on the ac-
cession of Charles First, and held this
office for fourteen years, when he re-
tired to Melbourne House, where he
died in September, 1644.
28 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
quaint maxim or two : " That an idle person lieth open to
all temptations ; that he is a drone among bees ; that he
is worse than an infidel that doth not provide for himself
and his family ; that every man ought to eat his own
bread ; that he is not worthy to live in the church or
commonwealth that is not beneficial to both " ; but it
seems well to preserve this letter in its original form ;
hence it is here given in full.
To THE Right Worl Sr John Cooke one of the Masters of
Requests in Ordinary to his Matie
THESE DD.
Might worthy and wo^^ :
Havinge had so suffetient tryall of your worth and love I am
imbouldened at this tyme to troble you, Intreatinge to be pleased
to give me leve to acnoleage my selfe unto you. About 5 or 6 yeers
since it pleased god to open my eyes that I see playnly that my
youth was spente in vanety and that my course of life was no way
pleasinge to him (Though I could not be much taxed by any), and
that I must take a new course if I ment to live for ever wth Christ
in his kingdome. Ever since I have earnestly desiered that god in
mercy could use me as an instrument to bringe glory to his name
and some good to his Churche and this Comonwelth wherin I live,
when the first motion for New England was mayd unto me, I tooke
Councelle of some Reverend and worthy frends who advysed me to
it by all meanes and I am ps waded if I may have some assistance I
should bringe that to pas wch I so much thirste after I besech you
S'. helpe me forwards wth that or some other Imployment for truly
as
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 29
as I now live my life is a burthen to me (I thanke god I have suf-
fetient to mayntane me in a reasonable good ffashon) but my grefe
is I have no callinge to imploye my self e in not beinge bred upp to
any thinge but the sea and in that nether no otherwyse then a
traveler and Comander of some Merchant Shipps. I praise god if
I should be put to it I could conduckt a Shippe from any place of
the world (that is at this tyme discovered) into England, and I
know that is more than many Captans who have comanded some
of the Kings Shipps can doe. Youre servant Mr. Thaker can shew
you what I desyer if you would be pleased to help me forwards to
any Imployment I would not only be more thankfuU unto you then
ever I yet spocke of but allso would rest youre servant all the dayes
of my life for I ptest unto you it is even a death to me to live
Idle remembringe these saings in Cripture. 1. That an Idle psonne
lyeth open to all temtations that he is a drone amongst bees that
he is worse than an infidell that doth not pvide for him selfe and
his famely that every man ought to eat his owne breade that he is
not worthy to live in the Church or Comonwelth that is not some
way benifetiall to both. The Lord known my harte I desyer to
doe that for wch I was created but I want meanes to effeckt it. I
find a fittnesse in my selfe for imployment. I wish I were throughly
examened and after settled in that course wch I am capable of. I
besech you Sr pdon this my bouldnes I will importune you no more
but rest in hope of your remeberance beseching god to blesse you
wth health and much happynesse.
Your worl to be comanded
Sherborne this
26th of Decem
}i624 ^>ih: ^^^
Evidently
30 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
Evidently this letter received an encouraging re-
sponse, for on the 26th of the following May we find
Levett writing another letter to Secretary Coke, express-
ing his hearty thanks to him for a proffer of employment
in some service which was to follow Buckingham's return
from France, whither he had gone to bring the bride of
Charles First to England, shortly after the death of James,
which took place on March 27, 1625. But though grate-
ful to the Secretary for his proffer of future employment,
Levett chafed under enforced idleness, and urgently
pressed him for immediate service. This letter is as
follows :
To THE Right wo : Sk John Cooke one of the Masters of
REQUESTS TO HIS MaTIE THESE AT HIS LODGINGE AT THE
Court E.
DD
Good Sr John, I thinke myselfe so mucli bound unto you as
that I know not how to expresse my thankes enuffe but will ever
endevor to manifest it to the uttermost of my power ; Truly Sr this
voyage doth effeckt me excedingly and I doubt not but it will pve
honorable but I ptest before God I cannot now stay untill the
dewkes returne though I should loose the place wherefore I besech
you S^^ stand my frende both for a good Shipp as allso liberty to
meet hir at plimoth and god willinge in fewe dayes after I have
notice from you I shall be redy. My dwellinge is at Sherborne
one of the poste townes betwixt this and Plimouth so that a letter
is
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 31
is easily sent to me by the packts thus humbly craving pdon for
this my bouldnesse I rest
Your servant to [command]
If I cannot have liberty to meet the Shipps at Plimoth I will
come ether to London or any other place uppon notice.
At the time Levett penned this letter, an expedition
was fitting out in England in which Sir Ferdinando
Gorges was to take part, and Gorges was then in Lon-
don, arranging with Coke's associate, Conway, business
pertaining to this expedition, which Levett probably
desired to join, a desire which perhaps prompted his impa-
tient appeal to Coke/^ Unfortunately, whatever corre-
spondence may have passed betw^een him and Gorges is
lost, but there can be no doubt that the two were corre-
spondents, since both were deeply interested in New Eng-
land, and Gorges was the moving spirit of the corpora-
tion which made Levett an associate of his son, Robert,
and conveyed to him his possessions in Casco Bay.
We lose sight of Levett, however, for a brief period,
but Coke, happily, proved to be his friend, and in the
famous expedition against Spain, which sailed from
England
23. An account of this expedition
may be found in Sir Ferdinando
Gorges and his Province of Maine,
Vol. I, pp. 187-146.
32 . CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
England October 5, 1625, Levett went as the Captain ofr
the Susan and Ellen, a ship of the burden of three hun-
dred and twenty tons, and manned with a crew of sixty-
five men. This fleet, under the command of Lord
Wimbledon,** consisted of eighty English and sixteen
Dutch vessels, and was said to be the largest joint naval
power which had ever sailed the seas. So large was it, says
an old writer, that it " made the world abroad to stand
astonished, how so huge a fleet could be so suddenly
made ready," and yet this vast fleet and an army of ten
thousand men were raised and equipped, not by Parlia-
ment, for that had been angrily dissolved by the king,
but by writs sent by him to everyone in the realm who
was supposed to have money, commanding them to loan
him such sums as he had been informed by his agents
they were able to loan. To refuse these demands was
dangerous, and money poured into the coffers of the
royal blackmailer in plentiful streams.
It was in this fleet, the destination of which was kept
a secret, that Levett found himself, feeling, doubtless, a
glow of patriotic pride as he saw it in its grandeur, and
never
24. Edward Cecil, third son of
Thomas, first Earl of Exeter, born
Feb. 29, 1672. and knighted by Ehza-
beth Sept. 18, 1601. He was one of
the Councillors of the Virginia Col-
ony May 23, 1609, and was created
Lord Marshal of the Field, August
1625, and Lord Lieutenant General of
the Fleet and Army the month follow-
ing. He was created Baron Cecil
Putney, and Viscount Wimbledon of
Nov .3, 1625, while on his unfortunate
expedition to Spain. He died Nov.
16, 1638.
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 33
never for a moment realizing that the motive which
caused its creation was private revenge, and the methods
by which it was created were subversive of those liberties
which he, in common with all Englishmen, cherished
most deeply in his heart.
As the fleet entered the Bay of Biscay, it encountered
the usual storms, and was buffeted by wind and wave
until it seemed to those on board that their end was
near ; and so it was to some, for one tall ship, bearing
nearly two hundred men, plunged beneath the sea and
was seen no more. Orders had been given Wimbledon,
before leaving home, to intercept the Spanish plate fleet,
then nearing Spain, burdened with treasure, but he was
no Drake, and he permitted several large ships to pass
him and enter the Bay of Cadiz, where they afterwards
wrought serious injury to his fleet. Time was wasted in
councils of war ; the Spaniards got news of his approach,
and prepared to receive him ; but instead of making a
naval attack upon the Spanish shipping at Cadiz, which
it is believed would have resulted in success, Wimbledon
landed a force and attacked the fort of Puntal, which he
captured ; but his men now found a foe more dangerous
than the Spaniards. The cellars were filled with wine,
which the soldiers fell upon and drank to excess. Wim-
bledon, alarmed at the condition of his men, who were in
no
34 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
no condition to resist an attack, hastily gathered as many
as he could reach and carried them back to the ships.
Those left behind were butchered by the revengeful
Spaniards. The unfortunate commander now aban-
doned his designs on Cadiz, and lay off shore watching
for the treasure fleet, but sickness assailed his crowded
ships and his men died by scores. Thoroughly dis-
heartened, Wimbledon gave orders to return to England,
" which was done in a confused manner, and without any
observance of sea orders." It is perhaps proper to say
that the plate fleet passed the place where the English
ships had been cruising a few days before, and sailed
quickly into Cadiz, while Wimbledon with his fleet, which
had sailed so proudly away a few weeks before, now shat-
tered and burdened with sick and dying men, entered
Plymouth harbor, where he was received with the con-
tempt which he so well deserved. It has been thought
proper to give an account of this unfortunate expedition
in which Levett was engaged, in order that the following
letter, written by him to Coke after his return home, may
be better understood :
To THE Right Hol Sr John Cooke Seckretert to his Ma-
lESTYE these.
Right Honorable
I doe once more psume to treble you with a few rude lynes pmis-
ing
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 35
ing if at this tyme my bouldnes may be pdoned that hereafter as
occation shall be offered I will come by way of petition as my
duty is. I mayd bould to write you tow severall letters from the
Sowthe Cape as also at my arivall in England to send you
such thingis as I had observed and though I medled wth some other
things yet I hope your favorable construcktion is such that you
will not condem me tow much, for if ever I Speak with your Hor I
will say more than before I write and wthall let you know that I
have observed some things wch hath bredd a jealosy in me that
some who as I think doth carry themselves fayerly to you yet doe
not so truly love you as they ought. I have psumed to come home
to my own house at Sherborne in Dorsett shire wher godwillinge I
purpas to stay untill I heare from your Hor hopinge I doe not
offend for by my comisshon the comand of the Shipp was comytted
to me but as for the mewnisshon the Master Botswan and Gonner
have indented. I must confesse that the sea service is my only
ellement and that Imployment wch I pnsipally desier but I would
rather chuse to be a sheppde than ever to goe in a colyer agayne
for the Comanders of them ar esteamed and used no better than
meare slaves (I have cause to speake but I forbare) it was gods
mercy that I brought my shipp into England agane if your Hor please
to aske my Lo : Cromwell 2 « or Sr George Blunder they can tell you
that I had nether sweet beare water wine syder nor stronge water
for a longe tyme before I came home as allso they can tell you
whether
25. Sir Oliver Cromwell, uncle of
the Protector. At the coronation of
King James he was created Knight of
the Bath, and was a member of the
Council for Virginia in 1607. In the
civil war he espoused the cause of
the king, and fought against his great
nephew, though then upwards of
eighty years of age. While sitting
alone in his chamber before a fire, he
fell forward, it was thought, in a
swoon, and was so badly burned that
he died Aug. 28, 1655, in the ninety-
third year of his age.
36 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
whether I am a marrener or no for I kept them Company a month"
at the least and though I had lost my Master and had 2 mayts that
can scarce write there names yet thanks be to god we kept oure reck-
ninge better and fayled les in oure course than the Bonaventure
whein my Lo : was but I give it to them that had the charge of the
Shipp though they must and will confesse that I had a hand in
every observation ether of sune or starr and in castinge upp every
reckninge of the shipps way and course I wish I might be exam-
ened by the 4 Masters of England for the Marreners arte so as I
might herafter ether be imployed in my right place or cashered for
an unworthy fellow I have observed the most of the sea Capptens
that was in this fleet and I say god send our kinge better then
many that comanded great shipps when he shall have occation to
use them It might be psumption in me to desier the Comand of one
of the kinges shipps but if I had I doubt not but I should behave
my selfe as well as some others and it would be as much for the
safety of the shipp as if another man were in her but in regard I
have no frend except such as I dear not psume to troble havinge
here to fore given iust occation to be weary of doinge for me I will
not thinke of any such thinge Though I must confesse if ever I goe
agane to sea I would wish the best shipp in Cristendome under
me and if I did not behave my selfe both wisly and valiently then
would I desier nothinge for my voyage but a halter I am much
ashamed of my bouldnesse yet remembringe what Abraham saide
to the Lorde when he besought him to spare Sodom if by way of
imitation I say let not your Hor be offended wth his servant and
he will speake but this once Ther is a Shipp called the Neptewne
wch was bult for New England and as I hear is now taken upp for
his Maiestyes service I hope there is as much reason that I should
oomand
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 37
comand hir as an other havinge spent much tyme and money about
that Contry wherefore my houmble sute unto your Hor is that you
would be pleased if you Judge me worthy of further Imployment
to put me into hir (if it be possible) or some other good Shippe in
service that I may be able to doe some good service to my kinge
and Contry Thus besechinge youre Honor to cause one of youre
servants to let me know whether I am discharged or no (havinge
no order what to doe) I rest
Youre Honors servant
to be comanded till death
Sherborne this L 1 fi2^
11th of January C
^>Yf-' ^^<^ :
Evidently Levett was not pleased with the Susan and
Ellen, although she sailed the seas for many years after,
and safely brought across the Atlantic some of the foun-
ders of New England, while the Neptune, which he
longed to command, and which had been built by Gorges
in the most careful manner to transport his colonists to
his province of Maine, never fulfilled the great purpose
for which she was designed, and brought her owner but
trouble and loss. The letter of January nth was fol-
lowed by an interesting account of what Levett had
observed on the expedition just described, and was
doubtless written at the suggestion of Secretary Coke,
who, knowing that Levett wielded a ready pen, deemed
it
38 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
it wise to make use of it in obtaining the impressions of
an actor in the affair, who would have no great reason to
falsify. But Levett was not contented with giving an
account of the expedition. His real interest was in New
England, and here was an opportunity to reach the ear
of the astute Secretary ; so he closed his relation with a
few practical suggestions how England could weaken her
dread enemy, Spain, and he pointed out the part New
England could be made to play in the undertaking.
The first thing he thought best to do, was to cease
trade with Spain altogether, and then to employ the
Navy in cutting off her trade with her northern neigh-
bors. This done he would fortify the fishing places in
New England, a country capable of being made more
profitable than the West Indies, for her fisheries alone
were richer than the mines of other countries. And all
this, he told the Secretary, could be done at the cost of
a single subsidy, for which England would receive an
annual profit sufficient to maintain an army or fleet, or
support the poor of the realm ; though he believed, that
in a score of years, there would be found no able bodied
poor in the country, a belief doubtless founded upon the
supposition, that, attracted by the opportunities afforded
by New England for gaining wealth, the emigration
thither would draw from England the poorer portion of
her
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 39
her population able to work. More than this, he believed
that New England would be able to furnish a ship of
five hundred tons a year, except her iron work, and that
she would be able to work greater damage to Spain and
her West Indies than all England, because of her
superior position.
Realizing that this might seem strange to his corre-
spondent, Levett desired to be given an opportunity to
appear before Parliament, or at the Council Table, for
examination, that he might show the reasonableness of
his views. He desired that nobody should imagine that
he had any sinister end in view, since he wanted no
money placed at his disposal, nor trust reposed in him,
but only to " line out the path that must be trod," for he
wrote, " If I can bring glory to God, honor to my Sov-
ereign, and good to my native country, then shall I think
myself more happy than if I had the whole world."
This interesting document, still preserved at Melbourne
House, is here placed before the reader, under the title
placed upon it by Secretary Coke's own hand :
CAPTAIN LEVETT'S RELATION.
The passages of such thyngs as I conseaved worth takyng notice
of.
We came from Plimoth the 5th daye of Oktober but when we
were at sea the wind shooting upon us and the wether beinge very
rany
40 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
rany and thicke we put in againe and stayd untill the 8tli daye
before we put to sea againe and inioyed a fare wind and fare wether .
iintill the 12th daye beinge Wedinsday about 4 of the cloke in the
after noone at which tyme it began to rayne and blow exceeding
and the storme continewed all that night and pte of the next daye
so that the fleight was dispsed in which storme some was cast away
and others put into famouth which came not to us untill the night
we left Calles. AUso there was a Catch which had 11 men in hir
cast away 7 of which men I was an instrument to save and carryed
them to Calles and more was saved by another shipp and the rest
dyed.
But by degrees the most of the fleight mett againe some hav-
inge mayd the Kocke^* others Mountchecum*^ and so at last we
came to the Sother^* Cape, where we spent two dayes in Counsell
and ther receaved orders for the managinge of a sea feight (which
I will not meddle with for convenience).
When the consultation was ended, beinge towards night we were
not above 15 leages from Calles and if we had borne reasonable sale
all that night we myght have bene within sight of the towne the
next morning by break of day. But we lay a trip the most of the
night so that it was 12 a cloke before we mayd the Hand. And if
then we had borne all our sailles forth we myght have gott in in
halfe a watch the wind beinge good and the wether fayere.
But
southwestern extremity of Portugal.
26. Cape Da Roca is the most
westerly headland of Portugal, about
seven leagues northwesterly from
Lisbon, and in Levett's time was for-
tified, as, indeed, it is to-day.
27. Cape Mondego lies on the
western coast of Portugal, at the
mouth of the river of that name.
28. Cape St. Vincent forms the
Nearly two centuries alter Levett
wrote this, viz : on Feb. 14, 1797, the
failure of Wimbledon was more than
offset by the gallant Jarvis, who met
the Spanish fleet off this Cape and
defeated it, to the joy of all English-
men.
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 41
But as it seamed feringe we should come tow soone we put not
forth all our sailes so that it was night before all the fleet came to
Anker being the 22th day Satterdy. When we came into the Kode
we found there tfie Admyrall of Spayne and about 14 Shipps more
with 6 gallies.
The Earl of Essex beinge Vice Admyrall in the Swift shure
(Captain whereof was Sr Sammewell Argall^^ a brave gent) led the
way and went on so bravely that he drave both the Spanish shipps
and gallies upp the river so high as they would goe towards Port-
royall but he was not seconded wherfore he came to an Ancker and
all the rest of the fleet.
That night about 23 shipps were sent to batter a forte called
Poyntall (about 2 myles and i from Calles uppon the same Hand)
wherin was 6 peeces of ordnance who performed the service very
well the most of that night spittinge fyer, and that the ordnance
spoke thick and the buUetts stunge merely.
Now the Spanish shipps not beinge followed that night blocked
themselves upp by sinkinge of 6 shipps in the way so that after-
wards we could not come at them. Allso that night the Towne
planted there ordnance and fortefyed themselves and the gallies and
botts carryed away from the towne that which most we aymed
at
29. Capt. Samuel Argall is the
same officer who carried Lord Dela-
ware to Virginia in 1610, and who
commanded the Treasurer when she
was sent out to Virginia in the sum-
mer of 1612, to drive out foreign in-
vaders, and who later destroyed the
Jesuit Colony at Mount Desert. In
1617 he was appointed Admiral and
Deputy (Governor of Virginia. Later
6
he was a membor of His Majesty's
Council for New England, and when
the territory of New England was
divided by lot in 1622, Cape Cod and
adjoining territory fell to his share.
He commanded the flag ship Swift-
sure during this cruise. One writer
supposes him to have died just after
his return from this expedition, while
another fixes the date as 163*3.
42 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
at and brought soulders in stead thereof as most men did Imapjen
and thus they continewed all the tyme we were there.
The next morninge beinge Sonday by break e of day the greatest
pte of the fleet was eomanded upp before the forte who releved the
former and continewed playinge uppon it all that day and so fast
that by 12 acloke the forte was weary of usinge there ordnance
not beinge able to stand ether to lade or to ply them. At last the
Convertion one of the Kinjs Shipps came right under the forte
within muskett shott and let fly her brod syde but was not able to
come off sodenly by reason she came in ground but there lay
receavinge there small shott like haille which kylled and spoiled
many of hir men.
But oure Shipps shott with there ordnance so that they mayd
them pull in there heads so that for halfe an howers space we could
not see a man.
About 3 acloke divers of oure botts mayd redy and tooke
soulders oute of the Shipps to land which when the forte saw a
great many of the burgers of the town who came that morninge to
assist them ran away so fast as there feet could carry them in so
much that we thought the forte had bene quite left.
But when oure botts came to shore right under the forte (which
was tow neare havinge roome enough to have landed further of)
they put out there heads againe and plyed there small shott so fast
as was possible for so few men in so short a tyme by which meanes
they kylled us many and some of good ranker yet for all that some
went forwards and landed close by the wall but they threw stones
uppon them and kylled them so the rest of the botts went further
of and landed.
Kow after there landinge they had some skirmishinge with the
enemy
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 43
enemy who sallied oute of a house but they were forst to retreat
towards the Towne.
And then the Captan of the Forte having quarter offered ack-
cepted therof and yelded it and were sett over the river with there
musketts swords &c And thus with loss of many men and the
expense of at the least 3000 great shott besides small we got a donghill
wheron the Coke might have stood and crowed but could not have
hurt us for I dare say that 6 colyear would have kept them play,
untill we had landed our men in the bay betwixt that and the Towne.
The next day beinge Munday certan regiments marched uppon
the Hand towards the bridge to have mayd that good and by the
way come to one of the Duke of Madena howses wher they found
about 70 butts of sacke wherof oure soulders dranke so deply that
many were not able ether to goe or stand (but were left behind and
had there throats cut) but the comanders seinge the inconvenience
staved all the caske (and so the wine was lost) and then retorned
backe to the forte because they understood that the bridge was here
3 leags of.
Uppon Tewsday my Lo : of Essex^ o squadron was comanded to
sett uppon the Shipps that was fledd upp to Portriall but when they
came here then they pceaved how they were blocked upp so they
came to an ancher there but could do nothing to them.
Uppon Thursday I was sent to them with this message from
my Lo : and the Counsell of warr that if they peeved the designe
to
30. Robert Devereuz, Earl of Es-
sex, was the son of the unfortunate
favorite of Elizabeth, and friend of
Gorges, and was a lad at the time of
his father's death on the scaffold.
Although a man of brilliant parts, his
career was an unfortunate one. It
has been well said that " he met with
nothing but rocks and shelves, from
whence he could never discover any
safe port to harbor in." He died on
the Uth of September, 1646, at the
age of fifty-four years.
1
44 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
to be diffecult they should forth with repare to Poyntall and there
take in there soulders againe for that they understood of great
forces was eominge out of the Contry, wheruppon they all wayed
and came and that night and the next morninge all oure soulders
were imbarked againe and the ordnance which were in the forte we
brought away beinge 8 bras colverin.
Now we lay still all fryday and did nothinge but looke uppon
the Towne and reseve all the shott they mayd at us.
XJppon Satterday about 10 of the cloke our Admyrall put forth
a flagg of Counsell wheruppon all we Captans repared to his shipp
where we gave attendance about 2 howers At last my Lo : came
forth and said to Sr Thomas Love 3 ^ that he understood that the
wind was good and that if we did not psently way ancker and
begone we might lose our jorney and comanded us all to retorne to
oure shipps which was all the counsell we had for that time.
But take notice that the wind was good from Thursday night to
that time out it seames that they who were about my Lo : was
ether ignorant or careles that they did not inform him of it before
that tyme.
So we came away out of the harbor with all speed but with
hevy harts and shame enough both to oure selves and Nation.
But before we were gott 3 leages of the wind was iust against
us so that about Sun settinge we came to an anker in 17 fathom
water, yet at midnight the wind beinge somewhat larger we
wayd agane and so got of a litle further so at last through much
f owle wether we gott the leight of the Sother Cape the 7 of No :
wher wie were f orcd to ly tow and agane betwixt the degrees of 36^
and
31. Capt. Thomas Love, like Lev-
ett, was interested in the New World,
being one of the Council for New Eng-
land. He was knighted Sept. 25, 1626,
a few days before the sailing of the
fleet.
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 45
and 37|^ untill the 20th of the month to mete with the playte
fleight.
Wher we lay in the most confused maner that ever was sene
and contrary to all men of war courses, lying still in the day
tyme and salinge in the night and thus we contenewed untill the
16th day, and then contrary to oure orders we came into 39 fol-
lowinge oure Admyralls as we were comanded at the first.
Shortly after we had such fowle wether that we were disparsed
agane and so we contenewed untill the 27th day and seinge 2
Shipps with flaggs in there foretopps we bore to them hopinge the
greatest pte of the fleet had bene there, but there we mett with no
more then 2 kings shipps and 3 more and that day blowinge litle
wind I sent my bote aborde the bonaventure to know if they had
any orders or knew what we should do as allso to intreat a litle
beare we havinge druncke none nor beverage for 8 days before nor
scarse sweet water and I thanke my Lo : Cromwell and Captan
Jellburt they sent me a runlyt of 10 gallans which did me great
pleasure as allso my men tould me that they had no orders nor had
sene the Admyrall in 10 days before and wished for a good wind
to carry them for Ingland so we kept company with these 6 shipps
untill the 6th of December when we were in 46^ and that night we
lost one of the shipps as it seames by tackinge in the night the
wind shif tinge but for the 2 kings shipps and the other 2 we kept
them company untill we came into Crooke haven in Irland where
we arived the 11th of December fyndinge the rainebow and divers
shipps there and others came in after us the next day.
We stayed there untill the 17th daye and then the sayde 2 kings
shipps vide : the Bonaventure and the dreadnought my selfe and
the
46 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
the Anspedwell put to sea levinge the rest behind and arrived at
dartmoth the 20th day of Desember thanks be to god.
Now uppon this evill suckses I know that as it was an old cous-
tom every one to put it of from himself e to an other even when there
was no more people in the world but Adam and Evah so it will be
at this tyme no man will be the cause of it. Nether will the stayte
of Ingland be frete from sensure for I have herd them taxed for
these things followinge.
1. ffor delayinge so much tyme before they sent away the fleet.
2. fFor sendinge it away in winter when the most of the shipps
were not able to carry forth there ordnance ether by way of offence
or defence.
3. The sendinge away the fleet with so litle pvetion.
4. ffor not giving the Captans there orders or Comyssions before
they went to sea by which much confusion might have bene pvented.
5. ffor sendinge unexperienced soulders such as was nether wil-
linge nor able to doe service but on the contrary mewtinus.
But for my owne pte I am not of there mynds, because I am able
my selfe suffetiently to answer these obiecktions as thus.
1. ffor the delayinge of tyme I knr^w not what polesy the state
had in it nether is it fitt to be known. But shure I am there might
have come much good therof. ffor as it seames it bredd a security
in the enemy for this yere because there was nether any fleitt at
sea nor much force levied by land, ffor all men will say that if
there had been any fleet abrod the Admyrall and the rest of the
shipps which we found in Calles rode would not have bene there
and if there had bene any land forces levied shure Calles which
is a place of most importance would have bene full of soulders.
And I thinke it may be proved that there was not above 500 there,
when we came. 2.
!
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 47
2. If the polesy of the State was to come uppon the enemy
when he did not expect us, then it could not be otherwyse. if
Calles was the place aymed at or any other place to the north of
the strates mouth then was the tyme good enough. Yet could I
wish there may be no more fleets sent forth in winter.
3. The vittell if it had bene well used and the tyme well im-
ployed would have served us until we had taken Calles and have
keept it untill a supply had bens sent.
4. Though it is strange that Captans who ar trusted with the
comand of Shipps could not be trusted with sealed Comiss : to be
opened at severall tymes and places and though the want of them
bred much confusion in this acktion and might have bred more yet
the falte was not in the state of Ingland nor none that we left in
Ingland but in /^
5. Though the soulders were unexperienced yet they were such
as our Nation affords and such as have bene usually sent abrod at
other tymes nether could I peeve that ever they were backward in
goinge when there comd led them forth which was never but when
they mett with the sacke nether did they then run away for many
stayed untill there throats were cutt nor that they were mutinus
I did not peeve though when they were full of wine there tonges as
I here then ran at random.
Now if it be demanded of me what the cause of this ill suck-
sesse might be I must answer in the first place that I feare every
one of us sought oure owne ends more than gods glory and therfor
it was iust with god to deny us good sucksesse.
Secondly the want of I dare not say what.
And if this will not give satisfaction if you please to redd for-
wards you shall se what def eckts or f alings I took notice of in this
acktion
48 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
acktion and then I will leave you to iudge Allso to pardon me if I
faille in my iudgment though I fere not what any can say that shall
fynd them selves any way touched therin for I will say nothinge
but what will be avouched by many thousands.
Such things as I conceve was faling or not well carryed in this
unfortunate acktion.
1. The sendinge to sea without comyssions or orders as well
for the places of randevow in case we should be pted by fowle
wether. As allso for a certan course in salinge.
Though some Captans had them dd about 3 or 4 dayes after yet
others wanted them untill they came at the Sother Cape and many
never had any at all.
But the want of them as it fell out did no greate hurte for when
we came at Calles we myssed not above 6 of our fleett.
But the want of an orderly course in salinge caused some to
lose their galleries heads and bolsprits and others had there sales
tome from there yeards.
And it was gods mercy that no more than 3 or 4 was cast away
for the confusion was such that some had there starbord when
other had there larbord taks aborde so that in the night you should
have tow shipps come alonge one aganst the other and where there
was nott good watch keept there was much hurte done.
2. When we came uppon the Cost of Spayne and had made
the Sother Cape we lay lingringe tow longe close aborde the shore
by which meanes we were discovered as appered by the lights that
night all alongst the shore and which was the cause of sendinge
forces to Calles as was Imagened.
3. When we might have bene before Calles by 8 or 9 acloke
in
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 49
in the morninge and so have had the day before us we came in a
litle before sonne settinge.
4. When we were come in and that my Lo : of Essex had be-
gonne bravely with the Shipps that were there and drove them upp
the river that he was not seconded by which meanes he was forced
to come to an ancker and so the shipps which might easely have
bene taken or spoyled blocked them selves upp so as afterwards
when we could we could not come at them.
6. In that we did not at oure first cominge every shipp let
fly a brod syde into the Towne and then psently have landed but
halfe of oure soulders which might have bene donne without any
greate danger for the wind was so that it would have drive the
smoke into the Towne so that they could not have mayd a shott at
us but at randome and then whether we should have taken it or no
Judge for it may esely be proved that there was not at that tyme
above 600 soulders there nor 20 pece of ordnance mounted.
But we lay still all that night and saw them labor hard untill
they had mounted there ordnance.
6. That no course was taken to block up the gallies in St.
Mary porte which might have bene donne with 6 shipps by which
negleckt they did contenewally carry soulders into the Towne and
fetch away the treasure, which I am pswaded did excedingly dis-
corage the most of oure men but espetially such as before could
thinke of nothinge but gould silkes vellvetts &c.
7. When our soulders were landed and in there march towards
the bridge metinge with at the least 70 butts of sacke at the
Ducke of Modena his howse that they did not make it good but
spoyled it which would have releved the whole fleight many havinge
nether sweet beare nor watter and amongst them my selfe was one.
8.
7
50 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
8. When the designe was (after oure cominge from Calles) to
lye at sea about the Sother Cape to mete with the playte fleight
that there was then no wyse or warrlike course taken for there we
lay still in the daytyme and I think they had bene madd if they
would have come nere us and in the night we sett saille so that if
we should hav mett with any shipps we could not have knowne
them from oure owne fleight by which meanes they might have
bene gone before morninge But if they had bene experienced men
of warr then would they have gone thus to worke vide the three
Admyralls to have seperated them selves with there squadrons and
have agreed uppon a certan course of salinge as thus one squadron
to have stood close by a wind the next to have stood 2 poynts larger
and the the third 2 poynts larger then he and to have appoynted
there place of randevow Then might they hav met with Shipps if
there had bene any stiringe and if one squadron could not have
fetched them upp they might have drive them uppon an other and
if all had myssed it had bene more then ill luck.
1
>. Example 2
3
Allso we should have knowne^
certanly how to have met agane
which we could not doe as we
carryed the busenes for we were ^
pted the day of No : and if we should have dyed for it
we knewe not how to mete agane for if we had saled close aborde
the shore we could not have gote of agane and shure I am it would
have bene as good harboringe in the enemyes contry for 1. 2. 5 or
10 shipps.
9. If when we came from Calles we had had orders to goe
home we might have bene at home in 20 or 28 dayes which if we
had
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 51
had donne there might have bene many mens lives saved much
vittell and more money as the freight of shipps mens wages
and the shipps would have gone forth agayne in a shorte tyme if
the kinje and State should have so thought it fitt.
What course I conseve is best to weaken the Spanyerd and most
profitable for oure owne Kation.
1. To let him alone and not to medle with his comodyties
which is nothinge to speake of but wine oyle and frute nether to
carry him any of oures And if he want our poore John heringe
and pilcher3 3 but one 7 yeres I verely beleve he will nether be able
to live at home nor vittell his shipps to send them abrode.
2. Block upp the passage of the Hamburgers Dunkerkers
by scouringe oure owne Chanell which will allso be a great securety
to oure owne ^Nation and is as I thinke an acktion of nessessety as
the case now stands.
3. ffortefy our fishinge places of New Ingland and New found-
land which allso I thinke must of nessessety be donne or otherwise
it is to be f ered we shall lose a more profitable Contry then the West
Indes for I hould that the Scolls of fish there is' better then the
myndes elsewhere and this may be donne with litle charge (in com-
parison)
32. Poor Johns and pilcJiards.
The first were hake salted and dried,
and the latter a kind of herring caught
in large quantities on the coast of
Cornwall. Pilchards, when smoked,
were called hy the Spaniards/umodos,
which was corrupted by the Cornish
fishermen into fairmaids. Both the
poor Johns and pilchards were ex-
ported extensively to Spain and other
Roman Catholic countries, and were
a staple article of food during Lent
and on fast days. The poor Johns
were so named because, being a cheap
and coarse article of food, they were
much sought by the poor.
Massinger alludes to their use thus ;
*' I would not be of one religion that
should command me
To feed upon poor John, when I se*
pheasants
And partridges on the table."
52 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
parison) and in the very ackt we shall be inriched ffor first oure
Shippinge which is like now for want of trayde to be still may
be imployed as allso oure marreners.
Nay I will undertake to set downe a course.
1. How with one subsedy New Ingland shall be mayd good for
ever without any more charge to oure kinge and Nation.
2. That in consideration of that one charge oure Nation shall
for ever receve from thence such a yerly profitt as shall mayntayne
a reasonable army or fleet or mayntayne all the poore.
3. That within the space of 20 yeres there shall be nether beg-
ger nor any poore people that shall need mayntinance from par-
rishes except blynd lame and ould people that shall not be
able to worke.
4. That out of this one charge they shall have every yere (after
they shall be fortefyed) a shipp of 500 ton bulke and fitted with all
tacklinge except Iron worke which what a strength it will be
to oure Nation let all men Judge.
6. That they shall be able to doe more hurte to the kinge of
Spayne and his West Indes then all Ingland besides as they are
nearer and they shall be in their wake by there ordynary course of
trayde to the Straytes.
Now my desire is that howsoever these thinges may seame
strange and impossible to you at the first yet to spare your Censure
untill I have made answer to all such obiecktions as shall be mayd
aganst what I have sayd. And if his Maiesty would be pleased to
refer me ether to the Parlament Counsell Table or other Comission-
ers to be examined if I doe not make good what I have sayd then
let me be ponished as a trobler of the State.
Neither
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 53
Nether let any man thinke that I have any sinister end in it for
I will make it appere that I doe not desire to have any money in
my hands or other trust reposed in me then to sett downe the
course that must be taken or to lyne out the path that must be trodd
in.
And if I can bringe glory to god honor to my soverayne and
good to my native Contry then shall I thinke my selfe more happy
then if I had the whole world.
Nor let the proiecht be the worse thought of for proceedinge
from a meane & simple psonne for I assure you when I was in the
Contry of New England 1 took more panes (though to my cost) to
fynd out the nature of the Contry the disposition of the inhabitants
and the comodyties which was there to be had as allso the best
course to obtayn them then any man that was then in the Contry
and I dare say further then any that ever was there before me
Nether had any man those helpes that I had (I meane not of money)
but for the advice of the most skillfull Marchants and experienced
fishermen that used that trayde or contry and for the Inhabitants
I thinke I know as well how to deale with them as any other.
We know not the reply of the Secretary to Levett,
if one was made ; but certainly his prayer for another
ship was not immediately granted, since we find him
some weeks later applying for a ship, to Nicholas, the
Secretary and servile dependent of Buckingham, with
whom it would seem he had also been in correspondence,
and who was drawing from him a portion of his earn-
ings, for so corrupt were the times, that no man could
hold
54 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
r
hold a place under the government without sharing his
earnings with some parasite of the court. Even justice
was a thing of traffic, and it had become simply a busi-
ness transaction for men in place to accept bribes from
those needing their favor and influence. Strangely
enough, the stream of time, which has engulfed so many
valuable records, has brought to us this insignificant
waif, for Nicholas preserved it, and doubtless placed it in
his master's hand, in order to aid his correspondent.
It seems proper to present this letter here, in order to
show the manner of an age, in which a man like Levett,
in order to obtain a merited position, was obliged to pur-
chase the influence of those in public office.
Worthy Sr.
I besech you remember me for a good shippe when there shal
be occation. I assure you I will be very thankfull. I hope Capt :
John Harvey 3-^ dd a token to you frome me when I had my last
warrant and another when the rest of the Captans sent to you
from Portsmoth, when we had oure 100 nobles, hereafter I hope
to show my selfe as thankfull and observant as any other. Good
Sr. stand my frend to my Lo : for his warrant for this money layd
forth,
33. Several of Levett's associates,
it will have been already observed,
were interested in America. Capt.
John Harvey had voyaged to Virginia
several years before. He was not only
a good navigator but also a man of
affairs, and shortly after his mention
by Levett received the honor of
Knighthood. Later we find him in the
position of Governor of Virginia. For
particulars concerning him, vide Vir-
ginia Carolorum, by Edward D. Neill,
Albany. N. Y., 1886, pp. 36, ©2, 100,
116, et passim.
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 55
forth, and the one halfe of it I will willingly give unto you in token
of my thankfuUnes. I have bene wUi the Commissioners and though
some of them be willinge to pleasure me yet they say there is no
meanes to gett it but by the Duckes owne warrant. Thus craving
pdon for my bouldnes I rest
Youre fathfuU and
observant frende
Febr ; this 28th ^^ .
1626 ^>V^ 3^^^ '
Endorsed :
To his much Honored frend
Mr Neicolis Secretary to the
Ducke of Buckingha his
Grace these / 28. Eebr, 1626.
CAPT. LEVETT.
When this letter was written, Buckingham was in
no mood to give it attention, for he was before Parlia-
ment, struggling to defend himself against charges of
wrong doing too strong to be readily overcome even by
him with the power of the throne behind him, and we
find Levett, in a few weeks, again appealing to Coke,
this time from Stoke's Bay, on board the Susan and
Ellen. His fellow captains, equally anxious with him-
self for employment, had rushed to London upon a
rumor which had reached them of another expedition,
which was soon to be organized for service in some direc-
tion,
A
56 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
tion, and Levett, who had been appointed an associate
Commissioner with Pennington, Buckingham's most use-
ful tool in the disgraceful plot against the protestants
of Rochelle, already spoken of, was unable to leave his
post to make a personal appeal to the Secretary, hence
this letter.
To THE Eight Honorable S« John Cooke Principall Seck-
RATORY TO HIS MaIESTY
Right Honorahle
Havinge bene an antiant suter to you for a better Shipp (then
that I had the last voyage and yet doth hould beinge a Colyer) And
recevinge such an honorable answer from you as I did, I have ever
since lived in hope to exchange hit for some pncipall marchant or
other But I confes such petty things as this is not worthy the
thinking of by so honorable a psonage as youre selfe Yet I besech
youre Honor seinge that a word of youre mouth will doe it make me
so happy as once to comand a good shipp and then I will not only
seace to troble you but allso indevor to show my selfe as I allways
will be your fathfuU servant. Here is a report that there are di-
vers Marchants Shipps taken upp for the Kings service wheruppon
divers of oure Captans ar gone to London, but for my owne pt I
cannot stir beinge one of the Comisshoners in the absence of Cap-
tan Penington nether have I any frend to depend uppon, only I
psume to declare my selfe unto youre Honor and so doth rest now
and ever Youre Honors fathfull
and obedyent servant
ffrom aborde the Susan &
Ellen now ridinge in Stocks ^^^9"^^^ ^^^^^^^w •
bay this 1 of June 1626 C^
Although
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 57
Although active in seeking employment, Levett had
not forgotten his plantation in New England. What
had become of his fortified house on the Island at the
mouth of Portland Harbor, and the men left in charge
of it, we know not. His Indian friends had long watched
the sea in vain for the coming of " poor Levett," as they
affectionately styled him. Levett's plan, as presented
to Secretary Coke in his " Relation," was carefully form-
ulated and laid before the king, probably through the
agency of Nicholas and Buckingham, for but little could
reach the royal eye without the latter's favor. But Lev-
ett well knew the importance of able advocates and Coke
was his friend, and already knew something of his plans,
hence he again addressed him on the subject nearest his
heart.
He was wearied with the petty jealousies and strifes
of the narrow world about him, and longed, like many
others, for the far off New World, with its free air and blue
sky, and limitless stretches of forest, mountain and plain,
across the great ocean, inaccessible to the pettiness and
vanity which reigned wherever the influence of the court
extended, making life irksome to manly hearts.
" There is no man, " says Levett, " who knows better
than myself what benefit would accrue unto this kingdom
by New England if it were well planted and fortified ; "
but
8
58 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
but although he was in a fair way to achieve his purpose,
he needed the assistance which Coke could easily afford
him, by supporting his petition to the king. If he would
not do this, Levett begged the Secretary to put him in
a good ship, that he might do the king service and not
remain idle. The letter is as follows :
To THE Right Wo^ Sr John Cooke Prinoepall Seoratory of
State and one of his Maties most Hon Prevey Counsell.
Right Honorable Though I have hertof ore R9 such favors from
you as makes me your servant till death yet I besech you give me
leave once agayne to be a houmble sutor to youre honor and I hope I
shall no more troble you but be inabled thereby to shew my duty
in a more suffetient manner then ever yet I could (though I have
excedingly thirsted after it)
It hath pleased god to deny a blessiuge to the labors of us all
that hath beenlmployed in his Maties service at sea And I despayre
of better suckses in any shorte tyme for that I see allmost all men
amongst us seeke more there owne ends then gods glory or there
soveraigns honor.
Youre Hor knowes what oppenion I have of New England and
my grounds for the same And I must nede say the more I thinke
of it the more I affeckt it. There is no man knowes better than
my selfe what benifit would accrew unto this kingdome by that
Contry if it were well planted and f ortef yed wch makes me so desirus
to tread out a path that all men may follow.
I am now in a fayre way to it only I want a little helpe to further
me (wch if I may so say the putting tow of the very tope of youre
finger
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 59
finger would purchas it for me) The pteculers I have mentioned in
a petition to his Matie (I could hope that my requests will not
seame alltogether unreasonable or my selfe utterly unworthy to
be rewarded.) But forsackinge all vayne confydence I fly unto
your Hor as my only medyator unto his Matie for the obtaininge of
my request Humbly bes aching you to stand my friend at this
tyme (and at once to make me as happy as this world can make
me.) But if my sute shall seame unreasonable unto youre Honor
then I besech you put me into a good Shipp that I may doe his
Matie service any way and not be Idle Thus houmbly craving
pardon for this my tow much bouldnes in psuminge to be thus bould
I rest ever your Hor fathf ul servant
Dartmoth this ^^ .
29th of No : ^^>^fiHS ^^^ \
1626. ^
»
For nearly a year v^e lose sight of Levett amid the
confusion which everyv^here reigned. The Queen's
Roman Catholic household v^as broken up by the King,
v^ho could no longer tolerate the idle and overbearing
priests, v^ho had her spiritual v^elfare in their keeping,
and the dissolute and supercilious crew, who danced
attendance upon her, and they were all packed off to
Paris with much useless paraphernalia. This done, the
King and Buckingham set their wits to work to devise
some method to get the people, who were becoming
dangerously clamorous, into better humor. One of their
acts
6o CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
acts was especially censured, the odium of which attached
principally to Buckingham, namely, the attempt to force
English Protestants to destroy their French brethren of
Rochelle, and it was thought that by fitting out an expe-
dition to support the latter against the King's brother-in-
law of France, the popular mind would be turned in
their favor. It was an artful scheme, and Buckingham
bent all his energies to put it into operation. A fleet of
seventy-six vessels was gathered, and sailed with a great
show of piety in the early summer of 1627, but when it
appeared before Rochelle, so much was the English King
and Buckingham distrusted, that the people of that city
refused to permit it to enter their harbor; hence Buck-
ingham turned away, and falling upon the isle of Rh^, laid
siege to the castle of St. Martin. After vain attempts
to capture this formidable fortress, he was obliged to
abandon it with the loss of a large portion of his army,
and to return to England to face greater unpopularity
than ever.
We can hardly understand why Levett was not with
Buckingham in this expedition, but we know that he
was in England awaiting some response to his petition,
and probably making constant efforts to draw support to
it ; indeed, we find him writing to Coke, shortly before
the return of Buckingham's ill-starred expedition, enclos-
ing
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 6i
ing a letter from " a servant in New England," probably
one of the men left by him to keep his house in Casco
Bay.
Chafing under disappointment, Levett forcibly ex-
pressed his regret that the King should permit such a
country to fall into the hands of an enemy who would, by
its possession, be as well provided for building and furnish-
ing ships as any prince in the world ; and he assured the
Secretary that if the King and Council thought it worth
preserving, he was as capable of undertaking its fortifica-
tion as any one of the King's subjects. " I beseech your
Honor," he wrote, " let not the multiplicity of weighty
and chargeable affairs, which are now in hand, cause this
to be neglected," for, if this should be done, "much
damage and dishonor must certainly ensue." He closed
by expressing his readiness to attend, upon notice, an
audience in London. The full text of this letter is here
presented.
rn
To THE Eight Hoblb Sb John Coke Princepall Secratory to
HIS Matib and one of his honorable Prevy Counsell
THESE
Right Honorable
m
I have a letter from a gent (though a servant of myne in New
Englande) wch though it conserne my owne pteculer very much
yet in my understandinge it doth allso conserne the kinge and state
And
A
62 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
And therfore I thought good to send it to your honor leavinge
the consideration of it to youre wisdome Only give me leave to
say this much that in my oppenyon it were greate petty his Matie
should lose such a Contry but a thousand tymes more petty that his
enemy should enjoy it for if he should I am shure he would be as
well fitted for buildinge of shippes as any Prfcice in the world and
not the worst pvided for vittlinge of his shippes. Of what conse-
quence this may be you know best. But if in the Judgment of his
Matie and you the Lords of his Counsell it be a Contry worth the
houldinge Then give me leve to speke bouldly (yet under correck-
tion) I know as well how to make that Contry good against an
enemy as any Subieckt his Matie hath and can doe it wth a tenth
pte of the Charge that an other shall demand nay wth no Charge at
all in Comparrison if a fite tyme be taken I have knowne divers
Marchants under goe a greater charge in a months tyme for pven-
tion. I besech youre Honor let not the multeplessity of weightie
and Chargable affayres wch are now in hand cause this to be
negleckted ffor I assure you if it be not spedely put in execution much
damage and dishonor must certanly ensue If youre honor thinke
me worthy of Audyence I shall be redy to attende uppon notice wch
I may spedely have dwellinge in Sherborne a porte Towne in the
Eode to Plimoth. Thus houmbly cravinge pdon I rest ever your
Honors most obedyent servant
Sherborne this ) ^ ^ d^ ^ ^ >^ — .-•'atV ^
lOth of October : | ^^^' ^>^ ^^^ .
Buckingham, returning from his failure at Rh^, landed
at Plymouth, and proceeded at once to London, passing
through
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 63
through Sherborne, where Levett saw him, and in spite
of his preoccupation, managed to get his ear, and speak
a few words in behalf of the New England project. This
he immediately communicated to Coke, and told him
that Buckingham desired one of his gentlemen to call
his attention to this subject when he reached London.
Levett also enclosed a plan setting forth his views
relative to New England, and pressed the Secretary to
examine it. If desired, he would visit London, but if
nothing was done, he declared that he should be forced
to give orders to those in his employ, who were engaged
in fishing in New England, to return home. The letter
to Coke, with the enclosure, is as follows :
To THE Eight Hoble Sir John Coke Prinoepall Secratory to
HIS Matie at his lodginge in the Courte
THESE
Right Honorable
I made boulde to send unto you a letter wch came from a servant
of myne in New England but have heard nothinge since how you
stand affeckted to the busenes wch makes me presume once more to
solicett youre Honor to be a f rend unto it And the rather for that
uppon Wednesday last att night I did acquaint my Lord duclce in
pte with it who seamed to like it well and wisht Mr Henry Croo to
put him in mynd of it when he came to London I besech your
Honor wthall to take notice of this enclosed and if you signify unto
me that you would have me come upp about it I will not be longe
absent
i
64 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
absent otherwyse I shall be inforced to give order to my servants
to come away wth there shippes that ar now going to fish there
thus hopinge of youre Honors favorable acceptance of my dutye I
rest
Youre Honors obedyent servant
Sherborne this
17th of No : 1627
^>i^ X>^*># :
[Inclosure.]
The tyme of danger is from the begininge of June to the last
of January or therabouts All wch tyme there is no English shipps
uppon that coste ffor the fleet of ffishermen doe comonly arive there
in January and ffebr : The fishinge contenewes untill the begininge
of May and by the ende of that month comonly they dept
The maner of the fl&shermen is to leave there shallops in the
Contry untill the next season every shipe in that harbor when they
fish There may be of them in all about 3 or 400 and if they want
there botts they may easily be pvented.
If an enemy should come it is likly they will put into the first
harbor they make for it is dangerous lyinge longe for shipps
uppon that coste wthout extraordynary good pilotts. The coste
beinge full of depe bayes broken islands and souncken rocks Now
they can come into no harbor but they shall fynde botts for the trans-
portinge of there men alongst the costes to any place they desier
wherin is the greatest danger for they cannot march by lande And
it is not like that there will come any great flett to take up many
harbors the planters beinge in all not above 300.
The first thinge wch I conseve fitt to be done is that all men
be
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 65
be comanded at the end of there voyage to bringe all there shallops
into one harbor and there to have them untill the next yeare And
the fittest harbor I conceve to be quacke (but by me in my dis-
covery named Yorke) beinge the most princepall in the Contry and
in the mydst of all the fishinge.
The next thinge is to fortefye that harbor wch may be donne
wth 4 shipps wherof three to be colyers of 16 pece of ordnance and
one good Marchant man.
The next is to draw all the planters to that place bt if that
shall be found unfittinge then to give them some arms and mew-
nyshon for there defence.
Now though there be no danger of enemyes untill June yet I
hould it the best tyme to send away there shipps before the last of
the psent month for these reasons.
fiirst by this meanes they beinge in the Contry all the fishinge
season there is no doubt by gods helpe but all the charges of the
voyage will be defrayed at the worste.
Secondly they shall have the helpe of all the fishermen at divers
tymes to worke about fortefy cations beinge that they shall therby
be more secured to use there trayde more frely wch thinge will be
very advantageous there beinge at the least 4000 men every fishinge
season in the Contry who ar able to doe much in a little tyme and
wthoute any charge to his Matie.
These thinges I doe wish may be spedely considered of and
spedely put in execution least when it be tow layte it be repented
of.
And to conclud thus much I will say under corecktion If his
Matie please to give me Comishon to take 4 of these shipps wch
ar now in his service maned with 300 men such as ar fitt for that
employment
66 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
employment ffitt them wth all thinges nessesary for a fishinge
voyage (as all merchant shipps ar wch goe thether to fish) and
vittell for 12 months compleate then by gods assistance I will
undertake to doe these things.
1. Doe my best endevor to take prises beinge likly to mett
wth divers in the way both outward and homeward bounde.
2. Secure that coste from enemyes or at least that harbor untill
the flett of ffishermen (who ar now about 40 or 50 saile and reason-
able stronge) come agane.
3. By the end of May next pvide so much fish and oyle as
shall countervalle the charge of all the vittell and mewnyshon and
after wards bringe home so much as shall pay all waiges and de-
fray the rest of the charge
4. Doe my best to surprise the bancke fishers wch if I faille
to doe lett me not only be cashered with out pay or gratewety but
also be imprisoned all the dayes of my life — pvided allwayes that
the casuallties of the season and extraordynary and unusuall crosses
be excepted and that it may presently be sett on f oote that soe the
next fishing season be not lost there being now tyme suffetient for
fittinge of all thinges as I will undertake
"No : the 17th
1627.
*^>^ ^^*^ -.
It is pleasing to find that Levett's persistence at last
bore fruit. His project was brought before the King
and Council, probably explained by himself in person,
for we find, shortly after this last letter to Coke, an ex-
traordinary
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 67
traordinary proclamation issued by the King, directed to
the ecclesiastical authorities, requiring the churches of
the realm to take up a contribution in behalf of his
colonial enterprise in Casco Bay. That such a contri-
bution should have been ordered by the King, and sanc-
tioned by the Privy Council, is remarkable. This unique
instrument sets forth important facts in Levett's scheme.
We are informed by the King, that Colonial enterprises
in New England having been interrupted by his diffi-
culties with France and Spain, it had become necessary,
in order to secure English interests there, to render as-
sistance to those who had entered upon such enterprises,
and that, as his " well beloved subject," Captain Christo-
pher Levett, was willing to risk to the utmost both life
and estate in order to establish a colony in New England,
and was well acquainted with the Indians, he had thought
best not only to make him governor of New England,
but to order churchmen to contribute means to aid him
in his undertaking, the success of which would strengthen
the kingdom, and enable the poor and ignorant savages
to acquire a knowledge of the true faith ; a work which
especially commended itself to the King's affection.
This interesting docuinent should engage our atten-
tion.
CHARLES R.
68 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
CHARLES R.
CHARLES by the grace of god king of England, Scotland,
Fraunce & Ireland defender of the faith &c. To all to whom these
pnts shall come. Greeting.
Whereas we have benn enformed that in respect of the differ-
ences betweene us & the kings of Spaine & Fraunce, divers of or
loving subjects as well such as are adventurers in the planta9on of
Newe England, in America, as such as are well enclyned to become
adventurers there, are soe much deterred and discouraged both from
proceeding wth what is begun & what is by them intended, that
except some spiall care be now taken, and some psent meanes
raysed, for ye securing of the Fishing there, and the saf etie of those
Coasts from f orreigne enymies ; They wch have already adventured
in that planta9on, are likely to wth drawe their estates and people
from thence and those that happily may desire themselves & for-
tunes in the same are by this meanes altogeather discouraged and
disabled, to proceed to their inten^on ; And whereas or many urgent
occasions doe at this prsent soe farr engage us for the necessary
defence of this or Realmes and dominions as we cannot in due
time give any assistance, or provide for the securing of those
remote pts wth such succor and releife as may prove requisite, in
a case of that importance, whereby that planta^on soe happily begun
and likely to prove soe advantagious and profitable, to vs and or
subjects, in regard of the many comodities & Mchandize thence to
be had, and the store of Tymber there groweing, very necessary for
the prosrision of Shipping for the defence of or kingdomes is likely
to be utterly lost and abandoned to the dishonor of us and or na^on
and the advantage & encouragement of or enimies ; And whereas
we have benn enformed that or welbeloved subject Capteyne
Christopher
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 69
Christopher Levett being one of the Councell for the said planta9on,
and well knoweing the said country and the harbors of the same,
and the strength and disposi90n of the Indians inhabiting in that
Country, hath undertaken and offred to add unto his former ad-
venture there all his estate, and to goe in pson thither, and by gods
assistance either to secure the planters from Enimies, keepe the
possession of the said Country on or behalfe, & secure the fishing
for or English shipps, or else to expose his life & meanes to the
uttermost pill in that seruice, XJppon wch his Generous and free
offer we have thought fitt, by the advise of or privy Councell, and
appointed him to be Governor for us in those parts, And because
the Charge in prparing furnishing and setting forth of Shipps for
this service at the first, wilbe very greate, soe as wthout the helpe
and assistance of others (well wishers of those planta9ons,) those
designes cannot be soe well accomplished, as we desire ;
Xow knowe yee that we out of the love and affec9on wch we
beare to works of this nature and espially for the propaga9on of the
true religion wch by this meanes may be effected, by converting
those Ignorant people to Christianitie ;
Have thought fitt by the advise of or sd privye Councell to com-
mend this soe pious a worke to the considera9on and assistance of
all or loving and weldisposed subjects ; not doubting but they,
(well weighing the necessitie of this worke and considering the
prsent troubles of these times) wilbe ready and willing to yield such
assistance to the same by their voluntary contribu9on towards the
effecting thereof, as male in some measure helpe to defray the
prsent Charge, now to be dispended for the accomplishing thereof,
for the honnor and safetie of this kingdome and the upholding of
the said planta9on ; Wherefore or will & pleasure is and we doe by
these
70 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
these pnts will require & comaiind all and singlar Archbishops,
Bishops, Archdeacons & deanes, wthin their severall dyoces and
Jurisdic^ons, that forthwith uppon sight of these or Ires patents
they comaund & cause the same or the true breife thereof to be read
and published in all the severall pish Churches of & wthin their
severall dyoces prcincts, and Jurisdic9ons, and that the Churchwar-
dens of every severall pishe shall gather & collect all such some
and somes of money, as shalbe freely and voluntarilye given & con-
tributed to the purposes aforesaid, and the same being gathered and
collected, forthwth to pay and deliver over unto the said Capteyne
Christopher Levett or to such person or psons as shalbe by him in
writing under his hand and scale thereunto authorised, and ap-
pointed, whom we doe thinke most fitt in regard of his said imploy-
ment to be trusted wth the disposing of the same. In witnes
whereof we have caused these or Ires to be made patents for the
space of one whole yeare next ensueing the date of these pnts to en-
dure.
Witnes &c.
Exr per RO HEATH.
Male it please yor most Ext Matie
This conteyneth yor Mats graunt for a generall and free contri-
bu9on to be collected of such of yor Mats subjects as shalbe there-
unto willing for the mayntennce of the planta9on in Kewe England,
and to be paid to Capteyne Christopher Levett whom yor Matie is
pleased to trust therewth in respect of yor Mats Resolu9on to ap-
poynt him Governor there
And is donne by order from the Councell Board, signified by
Sr Willm Beecher. RO. HEATH.
Endorsed.
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 71
Endorsed. February 1627. Expr. apud Westmr undecimo die
Februarii Anno R. R. Carol Tertio
Woodward Depte May.
Collection for New England.
11th February 1627.
Mr. Caldwell. To passe by the lo : Conway.
The contribution in the churches was taken up as
directed by royal authority, and the proceeds paid to
Levett ; but what the amount was is not recorded, nor
do we know what steps Levett took towards ultimating
his plans. It is probable that the contributions were
insufficient to afford him the necessary support ; indeed,
the low ebb to which the finances of the people had been
reduced by misgovernment ; the unpopularity of the
King and his chief adviser, and the shadowy nature of
the enterprise which the people were called upon to
assist, were such as to afford uncertain ground upon
which Levett could reasonably build his hopes. He,
however, prepared an extended account of his explora-
tions and experiences in New England, which were
printed by William Jones, who had printed his book on
Timber Measures. This book, which will always possess
a deep interest for the historical student, was published
in 1628.
On April 19th of this year, we find Levett before
Parliament
72 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
Parliament with a petition respecting the two bridges
leading into Doncaster, a town on the river Don about
thirty miles southwest from the city of York. These
bridges were called the Friars Bridge, then comparatively
new, having been carried away by a flood in 1614 and
shortly after rebuilt, and St. Mary's bridge, now known
as the Mill Bridge, and furnished an important entrance
to the town.
Among his many grants of privileges. King James, in
1605, granted a patent to William, the uncle of Christo-
pher Levett, to collect tolls at these bridges, but for
some reason, the patent lay dormant until 161 8, when
Levett, began to enforce his rights.
So far as we can learn, Levett continued to collect
tolls until 1628, when the clamor against monopolies
reached the little town of Doncaster, and its citizens
suddenly awoke to the fact that they had a monopoly in
their midst, and they at once declared it a grievance.
It would seem that Christopher Levett had some
interest in the patent of his uncle ; hence his petition to
Parliament, which, however, was not retained, Parlia- .
ment being then in no mood to favor anything which
savored of monopoly ; but a few weeks later a petition
against the objectionable patent was considered, and
soon after it was declared to be " a Grievance to the
Subject,
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
73
Subject, both in the Creation and Execution," and the
good people of Doncaster, without doubt, greatly to their
satisfaction, were able to cross their bridges free of toU.'^
On the twenty-third of August, Buckingham was
stricken down by the knife of an assassin, and the King
found himself in straits all too perilous to help any sub-
ject, however " well beloved." It was a season of terrible
agitation, and yet we may believe that Levett, in spite
of it all, was busy with his scheme of settlement in New
England whither so many anxious minds were turning,
though we may not be able to distinguish clearly amidst
the turmoil and confusion, the man who could entertain
his
34. The following are extracts from
the Journals of rarliaraent, British
Museum ;
1628, 19° Aprilis, 4° Caroli, Regis.
A Petition from Christopher Levett
read. Upon Question this Petition not
to be retained.
27 Mali. A Petition against Levett
read ; And he to be sent for to attend
this House and bring his Patent*
with him ; for this to be heard the
Wednesday seven night after Whit-
sun tyde.
12° Junii. The Knights, Citizens,
and Burgesses of Yorkshyre and
Yorke to examine Levetts' (Patent)
for the Toll, this Afternoon, in the
Court of Wards.
♦For a Tojl at Two Bridges in Yorkshire.
10
Sir The. Went worth reporteth the
Business, concerning the Toll granted
to Levett for Two Bridge in Yorke-
shyre, to him and his Heirs, to be
holden in socage of East Gree', at
20s Rent, with Power to seize Goods,
&c.
No Grant hereof, till 2o Jue, nor
any Fruit of it, till 15o Jue. The
Bridges ancient, in good repair, some
particularly bound to repair it. This
Patent adjudged by the Committee
a Grievance to the Subject, both in
the Creation and Execution.
Upon Question so adjudged here,
The Drawing up of a Petition to the
King, concerning this Grievance, re-
ferred.
74 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
his companions in suffering with merry old sayings,
while enduring the rigors of a New England winter with-
out roof, bed or board. We may believe this, because,
amid the confusion which reigned in old England during
this entire year, we know that plans were elaborated for
a colony on the shores of Massachusetts Bay, and John
Endicott, with a band of hardy men holding a patent
from the Council for New England, crossed the Atlantic
and laid the foundations of Salem.
Just what interest Levett had in this ^undertaking
we may never know, yet when Winthrop cast anchor in
Salem Harbor on that ever memorable twelfth of June,
1630, he records that " Mr. Pierce came aboard us and
returned to fetch Mr. Endicott, who came to us about
two of the clock, and with him Mr. Skelton and Capt.
Levett."35
We way well enquire how Christopher Levett came to
be at Salem at this time. His interest in New England
was certainly such as to bring him naturally into relations
with others possessing a similar interest ; besides, the
wide publicity which the king's proclamation gave him,
followed by the publication of his book — acts which may
have directed the thoughts of Endicott and his associates
New Englandward — must have emphasized the impor-
tance
36. Vide the History of New Eng- Vol. I, p. 30.
land by John Winthrop, Boston, 1863,
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. 75
tance of Levett's council to those who contemplated emi-
gration to a land, which to most was a terra incognita^
but with which he was well acquainted.
It is not strange then, that Christopher Levett was
one of the first to greet Winthrop upon his arrival in
New England. He must, however, already have dis-
posed of his patent in Casco Bay, which, we know, passed
into the possession of Plymouth merchants.
When Winthrop met Levett at Salem, he was there
in command of a ship, in which he sailed shortly after for
England, bearing letters from Winthrop's company to
their friends at home. Levett, however, was not again
to behold the green shores of old England. On the
voyage home he died, and, instead of reposing with his
kindred in Yorkshire, he found burial in the great ocean
which has entombed so many brave adventurers.
The letters which he was taking home from Win-
throp's colony never reached their destination. By some
means they fell into the hands of their enemies, Morton,
Gardiner and others, and when these rnien petitioned the
Privy Council on December 19, 1632, to enquire into
the methods by which the colonists' charter from the
king was procured, and the abuses practiced under it,
some of these letters, which contained indiscreet refer-
ences to the Church government in England, were
brought
76
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
brought into requisition to sustain the action of the
petitioners. On the twenty-second of the January fol-
lowing our last unsatisfactory glimpse of Christopher
Levett at Salem, his widow made a sad journey from
Sherborne to Bristol, where his ship had brought his
personal effects.^^
36. Frances, the widow of Chris-
topher Levett, administered on his
effects on Jan. 22d, 1630, as will be
seen from the following, extracted
from the Probate records of Bristol :
" LEVITT,
Christofer L.
4 Admon Act 1631-33.
Mense January 1630, Bristoll.
Vecesiino secundo die emanavit
comissio ffrancisce Levitt viduoe re-
licte Christoferi Levitt nuper de Sher-
borne in comitatu Dorsett defuncti
habents &c. ad administrand bona
inra et credita d(^i defuncti de bene
<fec. coram mris Henrico Hartwell et
fferdinando Nicoll clico vigore co-
missnia in ea pte emanat &c, 29 li
08 s 10 d."
This was a little over seven months
after he welcomed with Endicott, on
the deck of the Arbella, the arrival
of Winthrop in Salem Harbor. Thir-
teen months later, Winthrop records
the following ;
" By this ship," the William, " we
had intelligence from our friends in
England, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges
and Capt. Mason (upon the instiga-
A few
tion of Sir Christopher Gardiner,
Morton and Ratcliff) had preferred
a petition to the lords of the privy
council against us, charging us with
many false accusations, but through
the Lord's good providence, and the
care of our friends in England,
(especially Mr. Emanuel Downing,
who had married the governour's
sister, and the good testimony given
on our behalf by one Capt. Wiggin,
who dwelt at Fascataquack, and had
been divers times among us,) their
malicious practice took not effect.
The principal matter they had against
us was, the letters of some indiscreet
persons among us, who had written
against the church government in
England, etc., which had been inter-
cepted by occasion of the death of
Capt. Levett, who carried them, and
died at sea." (Vide the History of
New England, Vol. I, p. 119.)
The following extract from a letter
written by Rev. Henry Faynter to
John Winthrop, Jr., Mar. 14, 1632,
also refers to the death of Levett.
" In my letter to your honored father
is enclosed one from a godly gentle-
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT.
77
A few brief lines in the Probate records of Bristol,
the home of Cabot, furnish us with the last vestige of the
author o£ "A Voyage into New England," and the first
English owner of the soil upon which now stands the city
of Portland.
woman and and e, deere frinde of my
wIfeB, concerninge some gooda of
Capt. Levett, ber deceased husband,
duuntoherandherohildren." {Vide
MasH, HiBt. Coll. Vol. I, p 118.) Un-
fortunately this letter of Levett'a
wife, enclosed in Payotfir's letter, haa
not been preserved with the Gover-
nor's papers.
VOYAGE
INTO NEW
ENGLAND
Begun in i6z^. and ended
Fcrformed by ChristophekLkvett,
hfsMaiefties WooiwaidoC SiimrjS^liire,ani
oneoftheCoimccUol Ncw-Engbnd.
Votkes
PrlAtedat LoMDoH, by Wimum Iohes,
indtR lo be ToM by Eintid Vrnfer, u ihc iigiic
•fiheBiUe in Pwlei CliiiKh}aid.
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE.
TO THE RIGHT Honorable, George Duke of Buck-
ingham, his Grace, Thomas Earle of Arroundell and
Surrey, Robert Earle of Warwicke, John Earle of
Houldentes, and the rest of the Counsell for New-
England}''
AY it please your Lordships, that whereas you
ranted your Commission unto Captaine Rob-
ert Gorges, Governour of New England, Cap-
taine
persons, thirteen of whom were noble-
men of high rank, and they were em-
powered to hold territory in America
extending from the Atlnntic to the
Faoiflo between the fortieth and forty-
eighth parallels of north latitude,
which extensive domain they were
authorized to colonize and rule.
The members named iMihW Epii-
(2ei)e(Iic((torie"were among the most
powerful, viz; George ViUiars, Duke
of Buckingham, the corrupt favorite
of James and Charles I, who, at the
early age of thirty-six years, met a
37. The Council for New England
was incorporated Nov. 3, 1620, under
the title of " The Council established
at Plymouth. in the County of Devon,
foT the planting, ruling, ordering and
goteraing.of New England in Amer-
ica," and was virtually a re-incor-
poration of the members of the North-
ern Colony of Virginia, in ordef to
place il on an equal footing with its ag-
gressive rival, the Southern Colony,
whose charter had already been twice
enlarged.
Its membership comprised forty
82
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE.
taine Fraunces JVesiy^^ myselfe, and the Governour of
New Plimoth^'^ as Counsellers with him, for the ordering
and
violent death at the hand of an assas-
sin ; Thomas Howard, Earl of Arun-
del, a member of the King's Privy
Council in 1607, and who after an
active public life died at Padua, Italy,
Oct. 4th, 1646; Robe.rt Rich, second
Earl of Warwick, bom in 1687,
who was an active promotor of colo-
nization during his eventful life,
which ended April 19th. 1658; and
John, Earl of Holderness, born 1680,
died 1625. Within the immense ter-
ritory embraced by its charter, the
Council could establish such laws as
it thought best for its interests, and
could even extend its jurisdiction to
ships coming to and going from its
possessions. It was a great monop-
oly, and was so regarded by the cal-
low reformers of the period. Prior to
Smith's visit to the region embraced
by the Council's charter, it had at
first been called Norumbega, but later
Northern Virginia. The name. New
England, first appears on Smith's
map of 1614, and to this redoubtable
navigator its origin is undoubtedly
due, although a late writer claims
that previous to this date, the title
had been used. ( Fu2e Henry Hudson
in Holland, by Henry C. Murphy, pp.
43-66.) The author bases this state-
ment upon a map published at Am-
sterdam in 1612, where the title, Nova
Albion appears. ' With regard to the
origm of the word, Norumbega, there
exists a wide divergence of opinion.
Several writers claim it to be a native
term, and even attempt to outline its
etymology, {yide Thevet's Cosmog-
raphie. Vol. II, p. 1009. Vetromile's
History of the Abnakis, p. 49.) It
has also been claimed to be a relic of
Norse occupation, like several other
things which only a convenient the-
ory, unassailable for want of knowl-
edge respecting it, can father. One
of these writers derives it from Nor-
rcenbygda, meaning the Norse Coun-
try. (FideNorambegue, Decouverte
d'une quatri^me colonic Pre-Colum-
bienne dans le Nouveau Monde, par
Eugene Beauvois, pp. 27-32, and dis-
covery of the Ancient City of Nor-
umbega, by Eben N. Horsford, p. 19.)
Much has been written concerning
its extent. It is now well known
that the Indians were not in the habit
of giving names to large districts, and
we may be quite sure that this name
was never applied by them to the ex-
tensive territory depicted on old maps,
the bounds of which are so indefinite,
and that if the word is of Indian
origin, it had only a local appli-
cation. Presenting itself in cartology
in 1629 as Aranbega, it assumes from
time to time a variety of forms too
puzzling to afford elements from
which the etymologist can construct
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE.
83
and Gouerning of all the said Terretories, wherein wee
haue ben diligent to the vttermost of our powers, as we
shall
a satisfactory theory. (Vide the map
of Hieronimus Verrazano, 1529, also
for various particulars respecting it,
DeCosta's Northmen in Maine, p 44.
Collections of the Maine Historical
Society, Vol. VIII, p. 315. The Mag-
azine of American History for May,
1881, p. 392. Sewairs Ancient Do-
minions of Maine, p. 31.)
38. Captain Francis West, whose
brief connection with the early polit-
ical history of New England deserves
a passing mention, was the fourth son
of Sir Thomas and Lady Anne (Knol-
lys) West, and was born 28 October,
1586, at Buckhurst, Withyecombe,
Sussex. (" Bennett lloll " Magazine of
American History, ix, 18, 46.) His
father, the second Lord De La Warr,
was himself one of the illustrious
members of that familv, related to
the Royal Houses of England, France,
Scotland and Normandy, and which
gained a merited prominence in the
early colonization of America, be-
queathing its name to one of our
sovereign states. Captain Francis was
"an ancient planter" of Virginia,
emigrating thither in 1008, (Colonial
State Papers, ii, 15) and as early as
1610, was a local magistrate, govern-
ing "at the Falles." (True Declar-
ation of Virginia, 1610.) He held for
many years a membership in the Pro-
vincial Council, being one of the sub-
11
scribers to the stock of the Virginia
Company, (Declaration of the State
of Virginia, 1620). In 1623 he was
commissioned Admiral of New Eng-
land as is shown by this entry in the
Records of the Council for New Eng-
land, p. 21. " It is agreed on that
there shall bee a Commission granted
to Capt. Francis West to goe to New
England, Capt. of the Shippe called
ye planta^on, and Admirall for that
Coast dureing this Voyage, And this
Clause to be insirted in his Com. that
bee bath power to take any to Asso-
ciate him there for the dispatch of
his ImploymtB, according as bee shall
think meete. And that a pattent bee
granted to Capt Thomas Squibb, to
be ayding and Assisting to the Admi-
rall.
Sr. Fer<i. Gorges is desired to draw
upp Capt. West's Instructions."
Shortly after his voyage to New
England he returned to Virginia,
where he resumed his connection
with the political affairs of the prov-
ince. Upon the death of Sir George
Yardley, Governor of Virginia, No-
vember, 1627, he was chosen by his as-
sociates to fill the vacancy, in the
absence of Sir John Harvey, who
was named in Yardley's commission
as his eventual successor. (Bancroft,
United States, (1876,) i, 152, comp.
Burk, Virginia, Ii. 22, 23.) This
84
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE.
shall be ready to render an account vnto your Honors,
when you shall be pleased to require vs thereunto. In
the meane time, I thought it my dutie to present vnto
your viewes, such obseruation as I haue taken, both of the
Countrey and People, Commodities & Discommodities :
as also, what places ate fit to settle Plantations in, in
which not, what courses are fit in my vnderstanding to
bee taken, for bringing Glory to God, Hounour to our
King & Nation, good vnto the Commonwealth, & profit
to all Aduenturers and Planters : which I humbly beseech
your Lordships to accept of, as the best fruits of a shal-
low
office he retained for nearly two years
till Harvey arrived, when he probably
returned to England and became a
privateersman, bringing captured
ships into English ports as prizes
during the next two years, upon
letters of marque. (Domestic Calen-
der, (Charles 1) 1627, 1628, 287, 1629,
1631, 726.) On the 29 May. 1630, he is
spoken of as "now in England."
(Colonial State Papers, v, 93.)
In the quarrel between Harvey and
the Councillors he took part against
the Governor, but signed the treaty
of peace, 20 December, 1631, between
the factions. He last appears on
record at a meeting of the Council of
Virginia in February, 1633. There is
a family tradition that he met his
death by drowning.
39. William Bradford, the second
governor of the Plymouth Colony,
whose record of the affair is as fol-
lows : {Vide History of Plymouth
Plantation, by William Bradford,
Boston, 1866, p. 141.) "About ye
later end of June came in a ship, with
Captaine Francis West, who bad a
commission to be admirall of New
England, to restraine interlopers, and
such fishing ships as came to fish &
trade without a license from ye Coun-
sell of New England, for which they
should pay a round sume of money.
But he could doe no good of them,
for they were too stronge for him,
and he found ye fisher men to be
stubeme fellows."
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE. 85
low capasitie : so shall I thinke my time and charge well
imploied, which I haue spent in these affaires.
I haue omitted many things in this my discourse,
which I conceiued to be Impertinent at this time for me
to relate, as of the time of my being at Sea, of the strange
Fish which wee there saw, some with wings flying aboue
the water, others with manes, eares, and heads, and
chasing one another with open mouths like stone Horses
in a parke, as also of the steering of our Course, the ob-
seruation of the Sunne and Starres, by which the eleua-
tion of the Pole is found, the degrees of latitude knowen,
which shews how far a ship is out of his due course,
either to the North or South ; likewise of the making of
the land at our arriuall vpon the choast of New England
how it did arise and appeare vnto vs ; how every Har-
bour beares one from another vpon the point of the
Compas : and what Rockes and dangers are in the way :
how many fathom water is found by sounding at the
entrance of euery Harbour : and from how many of the
seuerall winds all the Harbours are land-locked. But by
this meanes I thought I should not only be tedious, but
also be in danger of losing myselfe, for want of fit phraises
and sound iudgment, in the Arts of the Mathematickes
and Nauigation, (being but a young Scholler though an
ancient
86
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE.
ancient trauiler by sea,) and therefore thought better to ■
omit those, then anything I haue relate.
Thus beseeching God to blesse your Honors, I rest
at your Lordshippes seruice.
CHISTOPHER LEVETT.
. . . THE CONTENTS . . .
^^
CHAP. I.
Containes my discoaery of diuers Riuers and Harbours with their names and
which are fit for Plantations and which not.
CHAP. II.
Sheweth how the Sauages carried them seines vnto me continually, and of my
going to their Kings howses : and their coming to mine.
CHAP. III.
Sheweth the nature and disposition of the Sauages, and of their seuerall Gods,
Squanto and Tanto.
CHAP. IV.
Containes a description of the Countrey, with the commodities and discom-
modities.
CHAP. V.
Certaine objections and answers, with sufficient proofes how it may be exceed-
ing profitable to the common wealth, and all Planters and Aduenturers.
CHAP. VI.
Sheweth how by aduenturing of 100 pounds more or lesse, a man may profit so
much euery yeare for 20 yeares, or more without any more charge than at the
first.
CHAP. VII.
Sheweth how euery Parrish may be freed of their weekely payments to the
poore, by the profits which may be fetched thence. With certaine objections
against the things contained in this and the former Chapter: with answers
there vnto.
CHAP. vm.
Containes certaine directions for all priuate persons that intends to goe into
New England to plant.
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
CHAP. I.
Containes my discouery of diverse Riuers and Harbours,
with their names, and which are Jit for
Plantations, and which not.
IhE first place I set my foote vpon in New Eng-
land, was the Isles of Shoulds,*" being Hands
in the Sea, about two Leagues from the Mayne.
Vpon these Hands, I neither could see one good timber
tree, nor so much good ground as to make a garden.
The
40. These islands were first de-
scribed b; Champiain in 1005, who
called them "isles asset hauUs"
Nine years later Capt. John Smith
bestowed upon them his own name.
They were called Smith's Isles for
several years, when shortly before
l>evelt'B visit we Hnd them called the
" Hands of Sholes." Who flrst be-
stowed upon them this name, which
they sijll retain, is unknown. They
are bare masses of ragged, granite
rock, thickly strewn with boulders ;
destitute of trees but clothed in places
with straggling bushes, which cling
tenaciously to crevicea in the flinty
rock. They lie about six miles from
the shores of New Hampshire and
are much frequented by summer tour-
ists, with whom they are deservedly
popular.
90 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
The place is found to be a good fishing place for 6
Shippes, but more cannot well be there for want of
convenient stage-roome, as this yeare's experience hath
proved.
The Harbor is but indifferent good. Vpon these
Hands are no Savages at all.
The next place I came vnto was Pannawayy^^ where
one M. Tomsmi^* hath made a Plantation, there 1 stayed
about one Moneth in which time I sent for my men
from the East : who came over in diverse Shipps.
At this place I met with the Governour/^ who came
thither
41. Odiorne's Point, near the mouth
of the Piscataqua.
42. David Thompson, a Scotch-
man, was the agent for Sir Ferdi-
nando Gorges and John Mason. He
had established himself on the south-
erly bank of the mouth of the Piscat-
aqua, at a place called by the Indians
Pannaway, shortly before Levett's ar-
rival in the country. He remained
at this place but two years, when he
removed to an island in Boston Har-
bor which still preserves his name,
where he died three years later, leav-
ing a wife and one child.
In the Trelawny Papers is an in-
teresting letter signed by Aniias
Maverick, wife of Samuel Maverick.
This letter, probably the only one of
the writer's in existence, revealed for
the first time the Christian name of
Maverick's wife, which otherwise
might never have been known, and
now Frank W. Hackett, Esq., has
made the further discovery, that
Amias Maverick was the widow of
David Thompson, to whom she was
married at Plymouth, England, on
July 13th, 1613, anu that her family
name was Cole. For a particular
account of Thompson, vide Proceed-
ings of the Massachusetts Historical
Society for 1876, pp. 36a-381. Ibid
for 1878, p. 214. Records of Massa-
chusetts, by Nathaniel B. ShurtleCf,
M. D., Vol. Ill, p. 129 et seq. Chron-
icles of the Pilgrims, Alexander
Young, Boston, 1854, p. 350 et seq.
Annals of Portsmouth, by Nathaniel
Adams, Portsmouth, 1825, p. 10.
43. Gov. Robert Gorges.
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 91
thither in a Barke which he had from one M. Westo7t^^
about 20 dayes before I arived in the Land.
The Governour then told me that I was joyned with
him in Commission as a Counseller, which being read I
found it was so. And he then, in the presence of three
more of the Counsell, administered unto me an oath.
After the meeting of my men, I went a coasting in
two boats with all my company.
In the time I stayd with M. Tomson, I surveyed as
much as possible I could, the wether being vnseasonable,
and very much snow.
In those parts I saw much good Timber. But the
ground it seemed to me not to be good, being very rockey
and full of trees and brushwood.
There is great store of fowle of diverse sorts, wherof
I fed very plentifully.
About two English miles further to the East, I found
a great
44. Thomas Weston was a Lon-
don merchant, one of those by whose
aid the Pilgrims had been enabled to
emigrate to America. The year
before Levett's arrival he had under-
t'lken to plant a colony at Wessa-
gussett, now known as Weymouth,
but his project had miscarried, and
he had suffered considerable hard-
ships. He had been engaged in fish-
ing and trade along the coast with-
out the consent of the Council, and
upon the arrival of the Governor,
12
Robert Gorges, who found his vessel
in the harbor of Plymouth, had been
called to account by him. Governor
Bradford, however, acted as a peace-
maker and Weston escaped the pen-
alty of an "interloper." After an
eventful career his end Is thus re-
corded: "He dyed afterwards at
Bristoll, in ye time of the warrs, of ye
sickness in yt place." Vide History
of Plymouth Plantation, by William
Bradford, Boston, 1856, note p. 164.
92 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
a great River and a good harbour called Pascattaway.^^
But for the ground I can say nothing, but by the relation
of the Sagamore or King of that place, who told me
there was much good ground up in the river about seven
or eight leagues.
About two leagues, further to the East is another
great river called Aquamenticus^^ There I think a
good plantation may be settled, for there is a good
harbour for ships, good ground, and much already
cleared, fit for planting of corne and other fruits, having
heretofore ben planted by the Salvages who are all dead.
There is good timber, and likely to be good fishing, but
as yet there hath beene no tryall made that I can heare
of.
About
45. The site of the present city of
Portsmouth, New Hampshire. The
name here given is doubtless an ap-
proximation to the sound of the In-
dian name of the place as it appeared
to the English. To the French it
was Pesmokanti. Etymology, which
is so often pressed into the service of
theorists with amusing results, has
been exercised upon this word, and
one author assumes that it signifies
TighJt angles, while another thinks
that it means the great deer-place.
In the Trelawny Papers, this, it is
suggested, is the more probable
meaning, but a longer study of
Abnaki place names has tended to
unsettle confidence in this meaning,
as in many others, confidently as-
sumed to be correct by writers, none
of whom possessed more than a frag-
mentary knowledge of the Abnaki
tongue, an intimate knowledge of
which is not even sufficient to ensure
accurate etymological results.
46. Agamenticus, we are confi-
dently told, signifies snow-shoe river,
from the shape of the pond forming
its source. The place was selected
subsequently by Sir Ferdlnando Gor-
ges as the seat of his airy govern-
ment, and named Gorgeana. It is
now known as York.
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 93
About 6 leagues further to the East is a harbour
called Cape Porpas,^^ the which is indifferent good for
6 shippes, and it is generally thought to be an excellent
place for fish, but as yet there hath been no tryall made,
but there may be a good plantation seated, for there is
good Timber and good ground, but will require some
labour and charge.
About foure leagues further East, there is another har-
bour called Sawco^^ (betweene this place and Cape Porpas
I lost one of my men) before we could recover the har-
bour a great fog or mist tooke us that we could not see
a hundred yards from us. I perceiving the fog to come
upon the Sea, called for a Compasse and set the Cape
land, by which wee knew how to steare our course,
which was no sooner done but wee lost sight of land,
and my other boate, and the winde blew fresh against
us, sa that we were enforced to strike saile and betake
47. This is still as Levett found it,
"an excellent place for fish," and
there has been " a good plantation
seated " there. The name, however,
is not now applied to so extensive an
area of territory as it was in early
times.
48. It is hard to determine just
the locality which Levett denom-
inates Saco ; but his description com-
prises Fletchers' Neck and Bidde-
ford Fool, as well as the islands,
us
Wood, Negro, Ram, Eagle, Stage and
Basket. The difficulties which lie
in the way of etymologists, who
would adduce meanings from the
sounds of Abnaki words as preserved
by early writers, are well illustrated
in this word, which appeared to dif-
ferent ears to be Sowocatack, Choiia-
coet, Sawaguatock, and to Levett
Sawco, which last sound is preserved
in the modern Saco.
94 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
us to our Oares which wee used with all the wit and
strength we had, but by no meanes could we recover the
shore that night, being imbayed and compassed round
with breaches, which roared in a most fearful! manner
on every side us ; wee took counsell in this extremity
one of another what to doe to save our lives, at length
we resolved that to put to sea againe in the night was
no fit course, the storme being great, and the winde
blowing right of the shore, and to runne our boate on
the shore amongst the breaches, (which roared in a
most fearefull manner) and cast her away and indanger
ourselves we were loath to do, seeing no land nor
knowing where we were. At length I caused our Killick
(which was all the Anker we had) to be cast forth, and
one continually to hold his hand upon the roode or
cable, by which we knew whether our ancker held or
no : which being done wee commended our selues to God
by prayer, & put on a resolution to be as comfortable as
we could, and so fell to our victuals. Thus we spent
that night, and the next morning, with much adoe we
got into Sawco, where I found my other boate.^^
There I stayed fiue nights, the winde beinge con-
trary.
49. This river, the Saco, rises
in the White Mountains, which
are distinctly seen by mariners as
they approach the coast. In the
locality where Levett camped, one
can still find the long grass in suffi-
cient quantity to furnish all the kings
of Christendom with a bed as luxu-
rious as the explorers enjoyed.
\
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 95
trary, and the- weather very unseasonable, hauing much
raine and snow, and continuall foggse.
We built us our Wigwam, or house, in one houres
space, it had no frame, but was without forme or fashion,
onely a few poles set up together, and couered with our
boates sailes which kept forth but a little winde, and lesse
raigne and snow.
Our greatest comfort we had, next unto that which
was spirituall, was this we had foule enough for killing,
wood enough for felling, and good fresh water enough
for drinking.
But our beds was the wet ground, and our bedding
our wet deaths. Wee had plenty of Craine, Goose,
Duckes and Mallard, with other fowle, both boyled and
rosted, but our spits and racks were many times in danger
of burning before the meate was ready (being but wooden
ones.)
After I had stayed there three daies, and no likelyhood
of a good winde to carrie vs further, I tooke with me six
of my men, and our Armes, and walked along the shore,
to discouer as much by land as I could: after I had
travelled about two English miles I met with a riuer
which stayed me that I could goe no further by land
that day, but returned to our place of habitation where
we rested that night (hauing our lodging amended) for
the
96 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
the day being dry I caused all my company to accom-
pany mee to a marsh ground, where wee gathered euery
man his burthen of long dry grasse, which being spread
in our Wigwam or House, I praise God I rested as con-
tentedly as euer I did in all my life. And then came
into my minde an old merry saying, which I haue heard
of a begger boy, who said if euer he should attaine to be
a King, he would haue a breast of mutton with a pud-
ding in it, and lodge euery night vp to the eares in drye
straw; and thus I made myselfe and my company as
merry as I could, with this and some other conceits,
making this vse of all, that it was much better then wee
deserued at Gods hands, if he should deale with vs
according to our sinnes.
The next morning I caused 4 of my men to rowe my
lesser boate to this riuer, who with much adoe got in
myselfe, and 3 more going by land : but by reason of the
extremitie of the wether we were enforced to stay there
that night, and were constrained to sleepe vpon the
riuer banke, being the best place wee could finde, the
snowe being very deepe.
The next morning wee were enforced to rise betime,
for the tyde came vp so high that it washed away our
fire, and would haue serued vs so too if we had not kept
watch : So wee went over the riuer in our boate, where
I caused
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 97
I caused some to stay with her, myselfe being desirous
to discouer further by land, I tooke with me foure men
and walked along the shore about sixe English miles
further to the East, where I found another riuer, which
staied mee. So we returned backe to Sawco, where the
rest of my company and my other boate lay. That
night I was exceeding sicke, by reason of the wet and
cold and much toyling of my body : but thankes be to
God I was indifferent well the next morning, and the
winde being faire we put to sea, and that day came to
Quack,
But before I speak of this place I must say some-
thing of SawcOy and the too riuers which I discouered in
that bay, which I thinke neuer Englishman saw before.
Sawco is about one league to the North-east of a
cape land. And about one English mile from the maine
lieth sixe Hands, which make an indifferent good har-
bour. And in the maine there is a Coue or gutt, which
is about a cables length in bredth, and too cables length
long, there two good Ships may ride, being well mored
a head and starne ; and within the Coue there is a great
Marsh, where at a high water a hundredth sayle of Ships
may floate, and be free from all winds, but at' low water
must ly a ground, but being soft oase they can take no
hurte.
In
98 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
In this place there is a world of fowle, much good
timber, and a great quantetie of cleare ground and good,
if it be not a little too sandy. There hath beene more
fish taken within too leagues of this place this yeare
then in any other in the land.
The riuer next to Sawco eastwards, which I dis-
covered by land, and after brought my boat into, is the
strangest river that ever my eyes beheld. It flowes at
the least ten foot water upright, and yet the ebbe runs
so strong that the tyde doth not stem it. At three
quarters floud my men were scarce able with foure Oares
to rowe ahead. And more then that, at full Sea I dipped
my hand in the water, quite without the mouth of
the River, in the very main Ocean, and it was as fresh
as though it had been taken from the head of a Spring.
This River, as I am told by the Salvages^ commeth
from a great mountaine called the Christall hill, being as
they say loo miles in the Country, yet is it to be seene at
the sea side, and there is no ship ariues in New England^
either to the West so farre as Cape Cod, or to the East
so farre as Monkiggen, but they see this Mountaine the
first land, if the weather be cleere.
The next river Eastward which I discovered by land,
is about sixe miles from the other. About these two
riuers I saw much good timber and sandy ground, there
is
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 99
is also much fowle, fish and other commodities: but
these places are not fit for plantation for the present,
because there is no good comming in, either for ship, or
boate, by reason of a sandy breach which lyeth alongst the
shore, and makes all one breach.^°
And now in its place I come to Quack,^^ which I haue
named Yorke. At this place there fished divers ships
of Waymouth this yeare.
It lyeth about two leagues to the East of Cape Eliza-
beth, It is a Bay or Sound betwixt the Maine and
certaine Hands which lyeth in the sea about one English
mile and halfe.
There are foure Hands which makes one good harbour,
there is very good fishing, much fowle and the mayne as
good ground as any can desire. There I fotid one
River wherein the Savages say there is much Salmon
and other good fish. In this Bay, there hath ben taken
this yeare 4. Sturgions, by fishermen who driue only for
Herrings, so that it is likely there may be good store
taken if there were men fit for that purpose. This River
I made
50. This answers the description
of the Spur wink, where Cleeve and
Tucker subsequently settled.
61. Exactly what territory is com-
prised under this title, it is impossible
to define * but there can be no doubt
as to the main features of the territory
13
described. The islands are certainly
Cushings, Peaks', Diamond and
House; and the harbor, Portland.
Levett's patent of six thousand acres
must, besides these islands, have em-
braced a large area of territory on the
main land.
loo A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
I made bold to call by my owne uame Levetts river,^*
being the first that discovered it. How farre this river is
Navigable I cannot tell, I haue ben but 6. miles up it, but
on both sides is goodly ground.
In the same Bay I found another River, up which I
went about three miles, and found a great fall, of water
much bigger than the fall at Londmt bridge, at low water ;
further a boate cannot goe, but above the fall the River
runnes smooth againe."
lust at this fall of water the Sagamore or King of
that place hath a house, where I was one day when there
were two Sagamors more, their wiues and children, in all
about 50. and we were but 7. They bid me welcome and
gaue me such victualls as they had, and I gaue them
Tobacco and Aqua vitae.
After I had spent a little time with them I departed
& gaue them a small shot, and they gaue me another.
And the great Sagamore of the East country, whom the
rest doe acknowledge to be chiefe amongst them, hee
gaue unto me a Bevers skin, which I thankfully received,
and so in great loue we parted. On both sides this river
there is goodly ground.
From
62. This river is known as Fore Levett, its present one being almost
Biver, but the salmon, which glanced meaningless.
through its waters are but reminis- 53. This is certainly the Presump-
cences of an idyllic past. It would scot, whose rocky fall still presents
be well to restore to it the name of an impassable barrier to navigation.
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. loi
From this harbour to Sagadahock, which is about 8. or
9. leagues, is all broken Hands in the Sea, which makes
many excellent good Harbours, where a thousand saile
of Shipps may ride in safety ; the sound going up within
the Hands to the Cape of Sagadahock.
In the way betwixt Yorke and Sagadahock lyeth
Cascoe^^ a good harbour, good fishing, good ground, and
muchfowle. And I am perswaded that from Cape Eliz-
abeth to Sagadahock^ which is aboue 30 leagues to follow
the Maine, is all exceeding commodious for Plantations :
and that there may be 20 good Townes well seated, to
take the benefit both of the sea, and fresh Rivers.
For Sagadahock I need say nothing of it, there hath
been heeretofore enough said by others, and I feare me
too much. But the place is good, there fished this yeare
two ships.
The next place I came to was Capemanwagan^^ a
place where nine ships fished this yeare. But I like it
not for a plantation, for I could see little good timber &
lesse good ground, there I staid foure nights, in which
time, there came many Savages with their wiues and
children.
54. The region here alluded to is
still denominated Casco Bay. Lev-
ett probably applies the name Casco
to that portion of the bay embraced
by the shores of Cumberland and
North Yarmouth.
55. This place is frequently men-
tioned by early writers, but the name
has disappeared from the region to
which it was applied. The town of
Booth bay embraces a portion of the
region, and probably Southport.
I02 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
children, and some of good accompt amongst them, as
Meiiawormet a Sagamore, Cogawesco the Sagamore of
Casco and Quack, now called Yorke, Somerset, a Saga-
more, one that hath ben found very faithfuU to the Eng-
lish, and hath saved the Hues of many, of our Nation,
some from starving, others from* killing.
They entended to haue ben gone presently, but hear-
ing of my being there, they desired to see me, which I
understood by one of the Masters of the Ships, who
likewise told me that they had some store of Beauer
coats and skinnes, and was going to Pemaquid to truck
with one Mr. Withcridge, a Master of a ship of Bastable,
and desired me to use meanes that they should not
carry the out of the harbour, I wisht them to bring
all their truck to one Mr. Cokes stage, & I would do the
best I could to put it away : some of them did accord-
ingly, and I then sent for the Sagamores, who came, and
after some complements they told me I must be their
cozen, and that Captaine Gorges was so, (which you may
imagine I was not a little proud of, to be adopted cozen
to so many great Kings at one instant,, but did willingly
accept of it) and so passing away a little time very pleas-
antly, they desired to be gone, whereupon I told them
that I understood they had some coates and Beauers
skins which I desired to truck for but they were un-
willing.
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 103
willing, and I seemed carelesse of it (as men must doe
if they desire any thing of them.) But at last Somerset
swore that there should be none carryed out of the har-
bour, but his cozen Levett should haue all, and then they
began to offer me some by way of gift, but I would take
none but one paire of sleeues from Cogawesco, but told
them it was not the fashion of English Captaines alwaies
to be taking, but sometimes to take and giue, and contin-
ually to truck was very good. But in fine, we had all
except one coate and two skinnes, which they reserved
to pay an old debt with, but they staying all that night,
had them stole from them.
In the morning the Sagamores came to mee with a
grieuous complaint, I vsed the best language I could to
giue them content, and went with them to some Stages
which they most suspected, and searched both Cabins
and Chests, but found none. They seeing my willing-
nesse to finde the theefe out, gaue mee thankes, and
wished me to forbeare saying the Rogues had car-
ried them into the woods where I could not find them.
When they were ready to depart they asked mee
where I meant to settle my plantation. I told them I
had scene many places to the west, and intended to goe
farther to the east before I could resolue, they sayed there
was no good place, and I had heard, that Pemoquid and
Capmanwagan^
I
104 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
Capmanwagan, and Monkiggon were granted to others,
& the best time for fishing was then at hand, which
made me the more willing to retire, and the rather be-
cause Cogawesco, the Sagamore of Casco and Qttacke, told
me if that I would sit downe at either of those two
places, I should be very welcome, and that he and his
wife would goe along with me in my boate to see them,
which curtesey I had no reason to refuse, because, I
had set vp my resolution before to settle my plantation
at Quacke, which I named Yorke, and was glad of this
oppertunity, that I had obtained the consent of them
who as I conceiue hath a naturall right of inheritance, as
they are the sonnes of Noah, and therefore doe thinke it
fit to carry things very fairely without compulsion, (if it
be posible) for avoyding of treacherie.
The next day the winde came faire, and I sayled to
Quacke or Yorke, with the King, Queene, and Prince,
bowe and arrowes, dogge and kettell in my boate, his
noble attendance rowing by vs in their Cannow.
When we came to Yorke the Masters of the Shippes
came to bid me welcome, and asked what Sauages those
were, I told them, and I thanked them, they vsed them
kindly, & gaue them meate, drinke and tobacco. The
woman or reputed Queene, asked me if those men were
my friends, I told her they were ; then she dranke to them,
and
MAP OF YORK IN LEVETT'S TIME.
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 105
and told them, they were welcome to her Countrey, and
so should all my friends be at any time, she dranke also
to her husband, and bid him welcome to her Coun-
trey too, for you must vnderstand that her father was the
Sagamore of this place, and left it to her at his death
hauing no more Children.
And thus after many dangers, much labour and
great charge, I haue obtained a place of habitation in
New-England, where I haue built a house, and fortified
it in a reasonable good fashion, strong enough against
such enemies as are those Sauage people.^^
Chap. II.
66. Where was this fortified house
in which Levett left a little company
of men to hold it until his return ;
not men whose sole duty it was to
defend it against the savages, but to
carry on a fishing for him? The
question is not one of much import-
ance, but has been often speculated
upon ; indeed, it will probably never
pass beyond the stage of speculation.
That it was upon an island seems
quite well settled, especially by Mav-
erick, who says that "About the
yeare 1632 (a clerical error for 1623)
there was a Patent granted to one
Capt. Christopher Levett for 6.000
acres of land which he tooke up in
this Bay neare Cape Elizabeth, and
built a good House and fortified well
on an Island lyeiug before Casco
River." House Island best answers
this description. It lies near Cape
Elizabeth and before Casco or Fore
River; besides, from the earliest
time, this island has been a favorite
resort of fishermen, and its sunny
slopes have been burdened with their
flakes, as they are to^ay. Its name
Is also suggestive. Levett's house
was a fortified one, and we can hardly
doubt was the one called by Winter
when writing to Trelawny, " ih^ house
at Casko" where he went to engage
some fishermen in 1630, which we
must also infer was on "an Island
in that baye of Cascoe," since
Trelawny tells Gorges that this
island was the only part of his patent
of which Levett took de facto posses-
sion. Two answers have been made
to this theory. The first answer is
that in a deed of 1808 it is called
io6 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
CHAP. II.
SJieweth how tJie Sauages^ carried tfiemselues vnto me con-
tinually^ and of my going to tfieir Kings
Houses : and t/ieir comming to mine.
HI LEST I staied in this place I had some
little trucke, but not much, by reason of an
euill member in the Harbour, who being cou-
etous of trucke vsed the matter so, that he got the Sau-
ages away from me.
And
" Howes, alias House Island/' and
therefore, took its name from a
former occupant. But how account
for the fact that in White's deed in
1663, it is denominated "house Hand
— with the house yron/' and so, for
a century and a half afterwards is
named in the varied spelling so com-
mon to the time, house, howse, hows
and in the deed of 1818, Howes. As
a matter of fact there is no record in
existence showing that it was ever
occupied by a man by the name of
Howe ; but if it had been, it would
only show a coincidence precisely
like one in the case of Mackworth or
Mackey*s Island. When the writer
first visited this island in 1884, an
old lady living there said she knew
Mr. Mackey for whom it was named.
When informed that she must be old
as the man from whom it derived its
name had been dead more than two
centuries, she replied confidently,
that he was alive twenty years be-
fore, and investigation showed the cu-
rious coincidence, that James Mack-
ey, a Scotchman, lived on the island
about thirty years before, and was
supposed to have given his name to
the island, although it had borne that
name more than a century before
his birth. The second answer was
by a military man, who reasoned that
Levett would not have attempted to
fortify this island, as a man posses-
sing any military knowledge would
not have erected a fortification on
such an island ; forgetting that noth-
ing was needed but a house fortified,
as Levett says, " in a reasonable good
fashion, strong enough against such
enemies as are these savage people,"
and strangely overlooking the still
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 107
And it is no wonder that he should abuse me in this
sort, for he hath not spared your Lordshipps and all the
Co un sell for New-England.
He said vnto the Gouernour that the Lords had sent
men ouer into that Countrey with Commissions, to
make a prey of others. And yet for my owne part I
neuer demanded or tooke from any man in that Coun-
tery, the value of a denier, neither had I so much helpe
from any Shippe or Shippes companie as one mans
labour the space of an houre, nor, had I any prouision
or victuall vpon any tearmes whatsoeuer, saue onely
1000. of bread, and 22. bushells of pease, which was
offered vnto mee and not by me requested, for which I
gaue present satisfaction in Beuer skines : and also
one Rownlet of Aqua vitcB, which was brought to me 16
Leagues vnexpected, which good manners bid me buy.
Much more provision was offered to me by many Mas-
ters of Ships, but I had no need thereof, so I gaue them
thanks for their kindnesse, and refused all.
Nay, it is well knowne, that I was so farre from doing
wrong to any: that I suffered the Land which was
granted to me by Pattent and made choyce of before
any
more important fact, that it had
already been fortified by the United
States Government. Vide Maver-
ick's Description of New England, p.
8; Trelawny Papers, pp. 102, 251;
14
York Deeds, Book I, p, 144 ; Goold's
Portland in the Past, p. 27, and an
article read before the Maine His-
torical Society by Lieutenant Leary.
io8 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
any other man came there, to be used, and my timber to
be cut downe & spoyled, without taking or asking any
satisfaction for the same. And I doubt not but all
others to whom you gaue authoritie, will sufficiently
cleare themselues of all such imputations.
He said also he cared not for any authoritie in that
place and though he was forbid to trucke yet would he
haue all he could get: in despite of who should say to
the contrary, having a great Ship with 1 7. peeces of
Ordinance and 50. men.
And indeed his practise was according to his words,
for every Sunday or once in the weeke, he went him-
selfe or sent a boate up the river and got all the trucke be-
fore they could come downe to the Harbour. And so
many Savages as he could get to his stage, hee would
enforce the to leaue their goods behind them. One
instance a mongst many I will giue you.
On a certaine day there came two Savages to his
place, who were under the command of Somerset or Con-
way^ I know not whether, at which time they were both
with me at my house, but the other two who went to
him, knew not so much, but afterwards they understand-
ing of it, came presently over, but left their Cotts and
Beauer skins behind them, whereat Somerset and Conway
were exceeding angrie and were ready to beate the
poore
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 109
poore fellows, but I would not suffer them so to doe.
They presently went over the Harbor themselues in
their Cannow to fetch their goods, but this man would let
them haue none, but wished them to truck with him,
they told him they would not, but would carry them to
Captaine Levett, he said Levett was no captaine, but a
lacknape, a poore fellow, &c. They told him againe
that he was a Roague^ with some other speeches, where-
upon he and his company fell upon them & beate th^m
both, in so much that they came to me in a great rage
against him, and said they would be revenged on his
Fishermen at sea, and much adoe I had to diswade one
of them for going into England to tell King lames of it,
as he said ; when they came to me in this rage, there
was two or three Masters of Shippes by, and heard every
word.
But all this did me no hurt, (saue the losse of the
trucke, which by divers was thought to be worth above
50. li.) for the two Sagamores whom he inticed from me,
and incensed against me, at length used meanes to be
freinds with me, sending one who asked me, if I were
angrie with them, I told them no, I was not angrie with
them for any such matter as lowsie Cotts and skinnes,
but if they were Matchett^ that is, naughtie men, and
rebellious, then I would be Mouchick Hoggery^ that is
very angry, and would Cram^ that is, kill them all.
When
no A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
When they came them selues to me to seeke peace,
they brought me a Beauer Coate, and two Otter skines,
which they would have let me had for nothing, but I
would not take them so, but gaue them more then
vsually I did by way of Trucke, I then told them like-
wise that if at any time they did Trucke with mee,
they should haue many good things in leiu of their
Beauer : and if they did not Trucke it was no matter, I
would be good friends with them, at which they smiled
and talked one to the other, saying the other man was
a lacknape, and that I had the right fashion of the
Aberieney^'^ Sagamores, then they began to applaude or
rather flatter me, saying I was so bigge a Sagamore, yea
foure fathom, which were the best words they could vse
to expresse their minds : I replied that I was a poore
man as he had reported of mee. They said againe it
was no matter what I said, or that lacknape (which is
the most disgracefull word that may be in their conceite,)
for all the Sagamores in the Country loued poore Levett
and was Muchicke sorrie that he would be gon, and in-
deed I cannot tell what I should thinke of them, for
euer after they would bring mee any thing they thought
would giue mee content, as Egges and the whole bodyes
of Beauer, which in my concite eate like Lambe, and is not
inferiour
67. Wood, in his New England's
Prospect, applies the title Abergin-
ians to these savages, the people
whom we denominate the Abnakis.
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND, in
inferiour to it : yea the very coats of Beauer & Otter-
skinnes from off their backes, which though I many time
refused, yet not allwaies, but I neuer tooke any such
courtesie from them, but I requited them answerably,
chusing rather to neglect the present profit, then the
hopes I haue to bring them to better things, which I
hope will be for a publicke good, and which I am per-
swaded were agreeuous sinne, to neglect for any sinister
end.
And a little before my departure there came these
Sagamores to see mee, Sadamoyt, the great Sagamore of
the East Countrey, Majiawormet^ Opparunwit^ Skedra-
guscett, CogawescOy Somersett^ Conway and others.
They asked me why I would be gone out of their
Countrey, I was glad to tell them my wife would not
come thither except I did fetch her, they bid a pox on
her hounds, (a phrase they have learned and doevse
when they doe curse) and wished me to beate her. I told
them no, for then our God would bee angrie. Then they
runne out vpon her in euil tearmes, and wished me to
let her alone and take another, I told them our God
would be more angrie for that. Againe they bid
me beate her, beate her, repeating it often, and very
angerly, but I answered no, that was not the English
fashion, and besides, she was a good wife and I had
children
i
112 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
children by her, and I loued her well, so I satisfied them.
Then they told me that I and my wife and Children, with
all my friends, should bee hartily welcome into that
Countrey at any time, yea a hundredth thousand times,
yea Mouchicke^ Mouchicke^ which is a word of waight.
And Somersett tould that his Sonne (who was borne,
whilst I was in the Countrey, and whom hee would needs
haue to Name) and mine should be Brothers and that
there should be muchicke kgamatch^ (that is friendship)
betwixt them, untill Tajito carried them to his wigwam,
(that is vntill that they died.
Then they must know of mee how long I would be
wanting, I told them so many Months, at which they
seemed to be well pleased, but wisht me to take heede I
proued not CJiechaske^ in that (that is, a lier.) They
asked me what I would doe with my house, I told them
I would leaue lo. of my men there vntill I came againe,
and that they should kill all the Tarrantens they should
see (being enimies to them) and with whom the English
haue no commarsse. At which they reioyced exceed-
ingly, and then agreed amongst themselues that when
the time should be expired, which I spoke of for my
returne, euery one at the place where he lined would
looke to the Sea, and when they did see a Ship they
wold send to all the Sagamores in the Countrey, and tell
them
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 113
them that poore Levett was come againe. And thus
insteed of doing me hurt, I thinke that either he or I
haue done good to all Planters, by winning their affec-
ons, (which may bee made vse of without trusting of
them.)
But if your Lordship should put up this wrong done
unto yoii, and the Authority which you gaue them,
never expect to be obeyed in those parts, either by Plan-
ters or Fishermen ; for some haue not stucke to say> that
if such a man, contemning authority, and abusing one of
the counsell, and drawing his knife upon him at his own
house, which he did, should goe unpunished, then would
not they care what they did heereafter.
And truely let me tell your Lordships, that if euer
you intend to punish any for disobedience, or contempt
of authority, this man is a fit instrument to make a pres-
ident of, for he is rich, and this yeare will gaine the
best part of 500 pounds by that Countrie, and he hath
nether wife nor childe, for whose sakes he should be
spared.
And if he goe free, as hee has domineered over vs, to
whom your Lordships gaue authority, but no power to
put it in execution, so will he grow unmannerly too with
your Lordships, as hee hath already begunne.
And it will discourage men hereafter to take any
authority
114 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
authority upon them, or to goe about to reforme any
abuses in those parts, and also it will hinder Planters
for going over, if Fishermen be suffered not onely to
take away their truck, but also to animate the Sauages
against them, for this is the way to cause all Planters to
haue their throats cut.
But I leaue these things to your Lo. consideration,
who haue as well power as authority to punish such
rebellious persons.
Thus hauing acquainted you with what I haue done,
seen and heard ; now giue me leaue to tell you what I
thinke of the Savages, the inhabitants of that country :
as also to iustifie the innocent, I meane the Countrie of
New England, against the slanderous reports of this man,
and some others which I haue heard, and likewise to
deliver my opinion, what courses I conceiue to be most
convenient to be taken, for bringing mostglorie to God,
comfort, honor and benifit to our King, and our owne
Natiue Nation.
Chap. III.
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 115
CHAP. III.
Sheweth the nature and disposition of tlie Savages^ and of
their severall Gods^ Squanto and Tanto.
HAUEhad much conference with the Sav-
egas, about our only true God, and haue done
my best to bring them to know and ac-
knowledge him, but I feare me all the labour that way,
will be lost, and no good will be done, except it be
among the younger sort.
I find they haue two Gods, on they love : and the
other the hate, the god they loue : they call Squanto,
and to him they ascribe all their good fortunes.
The god they hate they call Ta^ito, and to him they
ascribe all their euill fortunes, as thus, when any is
killed, hurt or sicke, or when it is evill wether, then
they say Tanto is hoggry, that is angry. When any
dyes, they say Tanto carries them to his wigwam, that
is his house, and they never see them more.
I haue asked them where Squanto dwells, they say
they cannot tell but up on high, and will poynt upwards.
And for Tanto, they say farre west, but they know not
where.
I haue asked them if at any time they haue seene
Squanto,
16
ii6 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
Squanto^ or Tanto, they say no, there is none sees them,
but their Pawwawes, nor they neither, but when they
dreame.
Their Pawwawes are their Phisitians and Surgions,
and as I verely beleeue they are all Witches, for they
foretell of ill wether, and many strange things, every
Sagamore hath one of them belongs to his company,
and they are altogether directed by them.
On a time I was at a Sagamores house and saw a
Martins skin, and asked if he would trucke it, the Saga-
amore told me no, the Pawwawe used to lay that under
his head when he dreamed, and if he wanted that, he
could doe nothing, thus we may perceiue how the devill
deludes those poore people and keep them in blind-
nesse.
I find them generally to be marvellous quicke of
apprehension, and full of subteltie, they will quickely
find any man's disposition, and flatter & humour him
strangely, if they hope to get anything of him. And yet
will they count him a foole if he doe not shew a dislike
of it, and will say on to another, that such a man is a
Mechecome.
They are slow of speech, and if they heare a man
speake much they will laugh at him, and say he is a Meche-
cum^ that is a foole.
If
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 117
If men of place be too familiar with them, they will
not respect them : therefore it is to be wished that all
such persons should be wise in their Carriage.
The Sagamores will scarce speake to an ordinary
man, but will point to their men, and say Sanops^ must
speake to Sanops^ and Sag amors to Sagamors.
They are very bloudy minded and full of Tracherie
amongst themselues, one will kill another for their
wiues, and he that hath the most wiues is the brauest
fellow : therefore I would wish no man to trust them,
what euer they say or doe ; but alwaies to keepe a strickt
hand ouer them, and yet to vse them kindly, and deale
vprightly with them ; so shall they please God, keepe
their reputation amongst them, and be free from danger.
Their Sagamors are no Kings, as I verilie beleeue,
for I can see no Government or Law amongst them but
Club Law : and they call all Masters of Shippes Saga-
more, or any other man, that they see have a commaund
of men.
Their wiues are their slaves, and doe all their worke
the men doe nothing but kill Beasts, Fish, &c.
On a time reasoning with one of their Sagamors
about their hauing so many wiues, I tould him it was no
good fashion, he then asked mee how many wiues King
James had, I told him he neuer had but one, and shee
was
ii8 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
was dead, at which he wondred, and asked mee who
then did all the Kings worke. You may Imagin he
thought their fashion was vniuersal and that no King
had any to worke for them but their wiufs.
They haue no apparrell but skinnes, except they haue
it from the English^ or French^ in winter the weare
the haire side inwards, in summer outwards. They
haue a peece of a skinne about their loines like a girdle
and between their legges goes another, made fast to the
girdle before and behind, which serues to couer their
nakednesse, they are all thus apparrelled, going bare
headed with long haire, sometimes you shall not know
the men from women but by their breasts, the men
having no haire on their faces.
When their Children are borne they bind them on a
peece of board, and sets it vpright, either against a tree
or any other place. They keep them thus bound vntill
they be three months old, and after they are contin-
uall naked vntill they be about fiue or sixe yeares.
Yee shall haue them many times take their Children
& bury them in the snow all but their faces for a time,
to make them the better to endure cold, and when they
are not aboue 2. yeares old, they will take them and cast
them into the Sea, like a little dogge or Cat, to learne
them to swimme.
Their
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 119
Their weapons are bowes and arrowes, I never saw
more than two fowling peeces, one pistall, about foure
Halfe-pikes, and three Curt-laces amongst them, so
that we neede not to feare them much, if wee auoid
their Treacherie.
Their houses are built in halfe an houres space
being onely a few powles or boughes stucke in the
ground and couered with the barkes of trees.
Their Language differs as English & Welch. On a
time the Gouernour was at my house, and brought with
him a Salvage, who liued not aboue 70. miles from the
place which I haue made choise of, who talking with
another Sauage, they were glad to vse broken English
to expresse their mind each to other, not being able to
vnderstand one another in their Language.
And to say something of the Countrey: I will not
doe therein as some haue done, to my knowledge speak
more then is true: I will not tell you that you may
smell the corne fields before you see the Land, neither
must men thinke that corne doth growe naturally (or on
trees,) nor will the Deare come when they are called, or
stand still and looke one a man, untill he shute him, not
knowing a man from a beast, nor the fish leape into
the kettle, nor on the drie Land, neither are they so
plentifull, that you may dipp them up in baskets, nor
take
I20 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
take Codd in netts to make a voyage, which is no truer :
then that the fowles will present themselues, to you with
spitts through them.
But certainely there is fowle, Deare, and Fish enough
for the taking if men be dilligent, there be also Vines,
Plume trees, Cherey trees, Strawberies, Gooseberies, and
Raspes, Walnutts, chesnut, and small nuts, of each
great plenty ; there is also great store of parsley, and
divers other holesome Earbes, both for profit and pleas-
ure, with great store of Saxifrage, Cersa-perilla, and
Anni-seeds.
And for the ground their is large & goodly Marsh
to make meddow, higher land for pasture and corne.
There be these severall sorts of earth, which I haue
scene, as, Clay^ Sand, Grauill, yea and as blacke fatt
earth, as ever I sawe in Engla^id in all my life.
There are likewise these helpes for ground, as Sea-
sand, Oreworth or Wracke, Mark blew and white, and
some men say there is Lime, but I must confesse I
neuer saw any Lime-stone \ but I haue tried the Shels of
Fish, and I find them to be good Lime.
Now let any husbandman tell mee, whither there be
any feare of hauing any kind of Corne, hauing these
seuerall kinds of Earth with these helpes, the Climat
being full as good if not better than E^tgland.
I dare
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 121
I dare be bold to say also, there may be Shippes as
conueniently built there as in any place of the world,
where, I haue beene, and better cheape. As for Plancke,
crooked Timber, and all other sorts what so euer can
be desired for such purpose, the world cannot afford
better. Masts and Yeards of all sises, there be allso
Teees growing, whereof Pitch and Tarre is made.
And for Sailes and all sorts of Cordish you neede not
to want, if you will but sowe Hempe and Flaxseede, and
after worke it. Now there wants nothing but Iron, and
truely I thinke I haue scene Iron-stone there, but I must
acknowledge I haue no great iudgement in Mineralls,
yet I haue scene the Iron-workes in England, and this
Stone is like ours. But howsoeuer if the Countrie
will not afford Iron, yet it may be easilie brought, for it
is good Ballast for Shippes.
There is also much excellent Timber for loyners and
Coopers : howsoeuer a worthy Noble man hath beene
abused, who sent ouer some to make Pippe-staues, who
either for want of skill or industrie, did no good. Yet I
dare say no place in England can afford better Timber
for Pippe-staues, then foure seuerall places which I haue
scene in that Countrey.
Thus haue I relaited vnto you what I haue scene,
and doe know may be had in those parts of New-Eng-
land
i
122 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
land where I haue beene, yet was I neuer at the Mesa-
chusett, which is counted the Paradice of New-England^
nor at Cape Ann. But I feare there hath been too faire
a glosse set on Cape Ann. I am told there is a good
Harbour which makes a faire Inuitation, but when they
are in their entertainement is not answerable, for there
is little good ground, and the Shippes which fished there
this yeare, their boats went twenty miles to take their
Fish, and yet they were in great feare of making their
Voyages, as one of the Masters confessed vnto me who
was at my house.^*
Neither was I at New-Plimoth, but I feare that
place is not so good as many other, for if it were in my
conceite they would content themselues with it and not
seeke for any other hauing ten times so much ground
as would serue ten times so many people as they haue
now amongst them. But it seemes they haue no Fish to
make benifit of, for this yeare they had one Shippe Fisht
at Pemoguid, and an other at Cape Ann, where they haue
begun a new Plantation, but how long it will continew
I know not.
Neither was I ever farther to the West than the lies
of Shoulds.
Thus
68. There were from forty to fifty
ships fishing on the New England
coast while Leyett was in the coun-
try if we may credit Smith.
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 123
Thus have I done with my commendations of the
Countrie. I will now speake the worst I know by it.
About the middle of May you shall haue little Flies,
called Musketoes, which are like Gnatts, they continue
as I am told, vntill the last of July. . These are very
troublesome for the time, for they sting exceedingly
both night and day. But I found by experience that
bootes or thicke stockings would saue the legges,
gloues the hands, and tiffeney or some such things
which will not much hinder the sight will saue the face,
and at night any smoake will secure a man.
The reason of the aboundance of these creatures, I
take to be the woods which hinders the aire, for I haue
obserued allwaies when the winde did blow but a little,
we were not much troubled with them.
And I verily thinke that if there were a good
number of people planted together, and that the woods
were cut downe, the earth were tilled, and the rubbish
which lieth on the ground wherein they breed were
burnt, and that there were many chimneyes smoaking,
such small creatures would doe but little hurt.
Another euill or inconuenience I see there, the snow
in winter did lie very long vpon the ground.
But I understand that all the parts of Christendome,
were troubled with a cold winter so well as wee. Yet
would
16
124 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
would I aske any man what hurt snow doeth? The
husbandman will say that Corne is the better for it.
And I hope Cattell may bee as well fed in the house
there as in England, Scotland, and other Countries, and
he is but an ill husband that cannot find Imployments
for his seruants within doores for that time. As for
Wiues and Children if they bee wise they will keepe
themselues close by a good fire, and for men they will
haue no occasion to ride to Faires or Markets, Sysses or
Sessions, only Hawkes and Hounds will not then be vse-
fulU.
Yet let me tell you that it is still almost Christmas
before there be any winter there, so that the cold time
doth not continue long.
And by all reason that Countrey should be hotter
then England, being many Degrees farther from he
North Pole.
And thus according to my poore understanding I
haue given you the best information I can of the people
and Country, commodities and discommodities. Now
giue mee leaue to oppose myselfe against the man before-
mentioned, and others, who speaks against the Country,
and plantations in those parts, and to set down such
obiections as I haue heard them make, and my answers,
and afterward let wisedome iudge : for my desire is, that
the
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 125
the saddle may be set on the right horse, and the Asse
may be rid, and the knaue punished, either for discourag-
ing or incouraging too much, whosoeuer he be.
CHAP. V.
Certaiiu obiections and answers^ with sufficient proues
how it may be exceeding profitable to tJu Common'
wealth and all planters and adventurers.
|HEY say the Country is good for nothing but
to starue so many people as comes in it.
It is granted that some haue beene starued
to death, and others haue hardly escaped, but where was
the fault, in the Country or in themselues. That the
Country is as I haue said, I can bring 100 men to iustifie
it ; but if men be neither industrious nor provident, they
may starue in the best place of the world.
About two yeares since one Mr. Weston sent ouer
about 50 persons to plant, with little prouision ; when
they came there, they neither applyed themselues to
planting of corne nor taking of fish, more then for their
present use, but went about to build Castles in the Aire,
and making of Forts, neglecting the plentifuU time of
fishing. When Winter came their forts would not
keepe
126 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
keepe out hunger, and they hauing no provision before-
hand, and wanting both powder and shot to kill Deare
and Fowle, many were starued to death, and the rest
hardly escaped. There are foure of his men which
escaped, now at my plantation, who haue related unto
me the whole businesse.^^
Again, this last yeare there went ouer diuerse at one
time, and to one place, with too little prouision, some of
them are dead, yet I cannot heare of any that were
meerely starued, except one whose name was Chapman^
a Londoner, and whether he was starued or no is uncer-
taine ; but if he were, Gods iust iudgement did appeare.
For this man (as I am told, by an honest man, who
came from London with him) brought at the least 80
pound worth of prouision, and no more but himselfe
and two servants, which was sufficient for at the least 18
moneths, if it had been well used. And yet in 5
moneths after his arivall in New England he dyed
miserably.
Let me tell you a strange thing of this man (I haue
it but by relation from one of his companions) he payed
for his passage, and his mens, and provision, so that he
needed
50. Til 18 is to be noticed, that
wlien Levett wrote tliis book in 1028,
he then had in his liouse at CaHCo,
at least four men who had belonged
to Weston's unfortunate colony. It
was only two years later that Winter
went there and secured the services
of Alger, Baker and Rouse, to fish
for him at Richmond's Island. Vxdt
Trelawny Papers, p. 261.
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 127
needed not to haue spent any thing until his arival in
New England, yet would he at Plimoth (where the ship
stayed too long for him and others,) spent seven or eight
pound a week in wine. Tobacco, and whores, and for
the maintaining of this expence he daily fetched his
provision from aboard, and sold it at a low rate. And
when they were at Sea, his Tobacco being spent, he
gaue usually sixepence for a pipe ; he gave also a sute of
cloaths, valewd to be worth 50 shillings, for so much
Tobacco as was not worth halfe a crowne. Nay at last,
as his Comrade told me, he was glad to become servant
to one of his servants. Then his Master told him, that
if hee would work hee would allow him one bisket cake
a day, if not he should haue but halfe a cake. He made
choice of halfe a cake, without work ; and so a base lazie
fellow made a lamentable end. Where was the fault
now, in the men, or the Country ?
Another obiection which I haue met with is this :
That there is nothing got or saued by sending men ouer
to plant ; neither is it beneficiall either to private men,
either Aduenturer or Planter, or good for the Common-
wealth.
For answer hereunto, first for matter of profite, it is
well knowne to all the Marchants of the West Country,
who haue left almost all other Trade but this, and yet is
growne rich thereby. Secondly
128 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
Secondly, for the Common-wealth consider these
things :
I The great complaint that hath for a long time
been made in England, that our land is overburthened
with people, and that there is no imployment for our
men ; so that it is likely they must either starue, steale, or
proue mutinous. And whether plantations be a meanes
to help this inconvenience or no, I desire to know ?
It hath beene likewise said unto me, that it benefits
the Common-wealth nothing at all to send men ouer
with provision of cloathes victuals, and continuall sup-
plies.
To that I say, let such men as you send thither to
plant haue provision as Chapman had for i8 monthes,
and if after they cannot Hue of themselves, and be bene-
ficiall either to the common wealth or to themselues, let
them dye Chapmans death.
Againe Plantations may be beneficiall to the Com-
monwealth, by the enlargement of his Majesties Domin-
ions.
Againe by the increase of Shipping, (which is the
strength of a Nation, and that without wasting of our
timber which is a commoditie that I feare England will
find the want off before many yeares passe over, for if
timber goe to decay as now it doth, we shall scarce Kaue
any
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 129
any to build, or repare, Ships or houses. Againe tell
me whither it would be benifitiall to the Common-wealth
to haue all our idle persons keept to worke and our
populous Nation disburthened, and yet to haue them
ready to serue our King and Countrey vpon all occa-
sions.
Lastly, tell me whither it would be benefitial to the
Common-wealth to haue all poore people maintained out
of those Artes. And euerie parrish freed from their
weekely paiments to the poore, which if I doe make
to appeare, then let me be accounted an vnworthy fellow.
But first let me set down another obiection, which
seemes to be of great force, and yet in my conceit is like
the rest, shallow and that is this.
If say they there be so many plantations, there will
be no roome in the Countrey for such Ships as doe come
yearely to make voiages, and by this meanes Shippes
shall lye still and decay Marriners and Fishermen shall
want imployment, and so all will be out of frame if euer
we shall haue warres. And therefore howsoeuer it
may be benefitiall to some few persons, yet it will be
hurtfuU to the Common-wealth. And consequently all
such as haue any hand in such businesses are euill mem-
bers in the Common-wealth.
I answere that if these things were thoroughly ex-
amined
I30 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
amined by his Maiestie, the Parliament or Counsell
Table, it would plainely appeare, that the most of them
which keepe such adoe against Plantations, are the great-
est enimies to the publique good, and that their shew of
care for the Commo-wealth is nothing but a colour, for
the more cleanely concealing of their vnknowne profits.
It will also appeare that plantations are for the publique
good and by that meanes there shall be more and better
cheape Shippes built, and imploied, more Mariners and
Fishermen keept to worke then now there are, and
more people pertakers of the benefits than now there
doth.
Which I prove thus, first there may be Timber had
to build Shippes, and ground for Corne and keeping of
Cattel, and all for little or nothing.
Secondly there may bee more men trained vp in
fishing then now there is, whose trade is decaied in Eng-
land, and they ready to sterue for want of imployments.
Thirdly, there may bee twice so much fish taken
euery yeare as now there is. For Shippes that goe to
make Voyages, seldome or neuer keep their boats at Sea
aboue two Months or ten weekes, for making their
Voyage, and I dare maintaine that there is Fish enough to
be taken, seuen Mounths in the yeare if men be there
ready to take all opportunities.
Fourthly
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 131
Fourthly, the more Fish that is taken the more
Shippes there must be for the transportation of it.
Fiftly, whereas now none doth take the benefite but
a few Marchants, not all the Marchants in the Land,
no not one of a thowsand.
By Plantations, not onely all the Marchants in the
Land, but all the people in the Land may partake thereof.
And now to shew you how the profite may arise.
CHAP. VL
Sheweth how by adventuring of a 100. pounds more or
lesse, a man may profite so much every yeare^ for '
20. yeares or longer^ without any more
charge the7i at the first.
MUST confesse I haue studied no other Art
a longe time but the Mysteries of New Eng.
la7idsTrB,dey and I hope at last : I haue attained
to the understanding of the secrets of it, which I thinke
the Fishermen are sorie for. But it shall be no longer
concealed, for that I thinke every good subiect is bound
to preferre the publicke, beforre his own private good.
First therefore, I will shew you the charge which
every
17
132 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
every Marchant is at yearely, in sending their Shipes
to fish there, and so neere as I can the profit they make
of such Voyages. Then we will see the charge which
planters must be at, in sending men over to stay there,
and the profit they are likely to make, and so by com-
paring the one with the other, we shall see, which is the
better and more profitable course.
A Shipp of 200. Tunn, commonly doth carrie in those
Voyages 50. men, these men are at no charge but 20.
shillings a man towards their vittels, neither haue they
any waiges, but in leiu thereof they haue one third
part of all the fish and trayne.
Another third part there is allowed the owners of the
Shippe for their fraught, and the other third part is
allowed for the victuall, salte, nets, hookes lines and
other implements for taking and making the Fish.
The charge of victualling (which is vsually for 9.
Mounths,) the salte &c. doth commonly amount to
about 800 pounds, and for that they haue (as I said one
third part of the Fish) which is, neere 67. tunne, the
Shippe being laiden, which will make 1340, Kintalls,
(at the Market) sometimes when they come to a good
Market they sell their Fish for 44. Rialls a Kintall, and
so to 36 Rialls, which is the least, but say they haue 40,
one time with another, and at that rate one third of
that
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 133
that Shippes layding doth yeeld 1340 pounds, which
they haue for disbursing of 800 pounds nine Mounths.
Now take notice that they are but 8 or 10 weekes in
taking all their Fish, and about one Mounth longer in
making it fit to be Shipped,
Which being considered, then say that such men as
are sent ouer to plant, haue 12 Months prouisio,
which will amount to 1066 pounds 13 shillings 4 pence,
these men stay in the Countrey, and doe take the
benefit both of the first & last fishing season, & all other
opportunities, the Fishing continuing good at the least
seauen Moneths in the yeare, though not all at one
time : now I hope you will grant that they are as Hkelie
to take two Shippes lading as the other one, which if
they doe, one third thereof at the same rate will amount
to 2680 pounds, the charge you are at being deducted,
the profit is 1019 pounds 6 shillings 8 pence. Now
tell me seriously, which is the more profitable course?
Againe consider, that in all likelihood this Fish is to
be taken in 5. Moneths, then haue you 7. Moneths more
to imploy your men in the Countrey euery yeare, about
building of Shippes, cleauing of pipe-staues, or any other
thing, and will that be worth nothing?
Truely this 1 will say, send men ouer but with 18
Moneths prouision, and Cattell, and Corne to plant, and
other
J
134 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
other necessaries, and they shall afford you thus much
profit yearely, without euer putting you to more charge
if God blesse them with health, and you from losses,
(and I neuer heard of any great losse by aduenturing
thither) and that you bee fitted with good and vnder-
standing men to ouer-see the businesse, who is able to
direct them.
CHAP. VII.
Sheweth how every parish may be freed of their weekly
payments to the poore^ by the profits which may bee
fetched thence. With certaine Obiections against
the thifigs contaifted in this and the for-
mer chapter^ with answers tJieretinto,
ND thus haue I shewed you what hopes there
is of profit by plantations, yet haue I shewed
you no other meanes to raise it, but by fish and
timber. I would not haue you say there is nothing else
in the Country to make any benefite of ; for I assure
you it is well knowne to myselfe, and others who haue
beene there, that there are diverse other good things
there to be had ; but I doe not loue to speake of all at
one time, but to reserue some, to stop the mouths of
such
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 135
such prating coxcombs as will neuer be satisfied with
any reason, but will alwaies cavill though to little purpose.
And methinks I heare some such people buzzing in
some other obiections, and bidding me stay, and not
fish before the net, for there are many lets, as these ;
There are many ships goe, that makes not so good voy-
ages as I speake of ; for they are so long beaten in their
passage, or on the coast, that the best of the fishing is
past before they be there.
To that I answer, I speak not what euery ship doth,
but what some doe and all others may doe, if they be in
the Country to take all opportunities.
2. Obict. That it is not possible to make Planta-
tions so publicke a businesse, as that it should redound to
the benefit of all the Kings Subiects. And againe that
there will never be so much money rased as to establish
such Plantations, for that most men in this age respects
their own profit 100 times more then the publicke good ;
and their hearts are so glewed to the world, that you
shall as soone hang them as draw anything from them,
though it be to never so charitable an use. And if it should
be by way of commandment, it would be a grievance not
to be endured.
But I would aske such men whether they be so void
of charity, as that they will not doe themselues good,
because
136 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
because some others shall haue some by it also ? And
whether they will be grieued at a man for shewing of
them how, by the disbursing of 20 shillings, they shall
haue 20 shillings a year for seuen, ten or twenty years,
and perhaps for euer ?
My desire is not that any should be compelled.
Onely this I could wish, that euery parish would adven-
ture so much as they pay weekly to the reliefe of the poore
(which is no great matter.) And so euery shire by itselfe,
would send ouer men to plant. And if after 18 moneths
they shall not yearely returne so much profits continu-
ally as will keep their poore, and ease their purses, (pro-
uided alwaies, as I said before, that they send such men
as are fit, and that the Justices of euery Shire be carefuU
to appoint such a man to be their Captaine and Director
as is honest, and of good vnderstanding, and that God
blesse them from losses,) will I be contented to suffer
death.
And yet let me tell you, that if it should please God,
that once in seuen yeares a ship should bee cast away
(which is more than hath beene usuall, for I dare say,
that for euery ship that is cast away in those voyages,
there is 100 which commetH safe) yet it is but that yeares
profite lost, and perhaps not halfe.
Another obiection may be this, That all men are not
Fishermen,
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 137
Fishermen, and that it is not so easie a thing to take
fish, as I make it.
To that I answer. That take a survey of all the men
that goeth in these voyages, and there shall not bee
found one third of them that are meerly fishermen, and
no other Trades.
Nay, I know many ship-Companies, that have amongst
them house-Carpenters, Masons, Smiths, Taylors, Shooe-
makers, and such like, and in deed it is most fit
they should be such : and I saw by experience, that
divers who were never at Sea before this yeare, proued
very good fishermen : but I could wish that euer a fift
part of a Company be Fishermen, and the rest will
quickly be trained up, and made skillfull.
I would to God that some one Shire, or more, would
begin this godly and profitable course. For certainely,
God hath created all for the use of man, and nothing
hath he created in vayne.
And if wee will endure povertie in England wilfully,
and suffer so good a Countrey as this is to lye wast, I
am perswaded wee are guiltie of a grievous sinne against
God, and shall never be able to answer it.
I could also wish, that the Lords both spirituall and
temporall, the Knights and others to whome God
hath given abundance of these outward things, would
(for
138 A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
(for the honour of God, the comfort of the poore of our
Land) ioyne together, and by a voluntary contribution
rayse a summe of money, and imploy it this way : and
that the profites might goe to the maintaining of poore
children, and trayning them up in this course, by which
they may be kept from begging and stealing.
CHAP. VIII.
Contaiius certaine directions for all priuate persons that
intends to goe ifito New-England to plant.
EXT unto this I could wish that euery priuate
man that hath a desire this way, would consid-
er these things which I wil heere set downe
before he goe too farre, lest he depriue himselfe of the
profite I haue shewed may be had, and be one of those
that repent when it is too late, and so bring misery upon
himselfe and scandalize the Country, as others haue
done.
1. That it is a Countrey, where none can Hue except
he either labour himselfe, or be able to keepe others to
labour for him.
2. If a man haue a wife and many small children,
not to come there, except for every three loyterers he
haue
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND. 139
haue one worker ; which if he haue, he may make a
shift to Hue and not starue.
3. If a man haue but as many good labourers as
loyterers, he shall Hue much better there then in any
place I know.
4. If all be labourers, and no children, then let him
not feare, but to doe more good there In seven yeares
then in England in twenty.
5. Let no man goe without 18 monetbs prouision,
so shaU he take the benefit of two seasons before his
provision be spent.
6. Let as many plant together as may be, for you
will finde that very comfortable, profitable and secure.
Note. IC nill be observed that in I was merely a typographical error of
the Voyage Chapt. V folloirs ChapL the old printer, which it irea tbooght
111. This IB BO in the origin^, and | best not to correct
i
APPENDIX.
The Will of the Rev. Robert More, Father-in- Law
of Christopher Levett.
Da Domine perficere ; Velle dedisti:
Jtily 22, Anno Domini 1642.
N The Name of God Amen, I Robert More
Master of Artes Preacher of Gods word & Rec-
tor of the Church & Parrish of Gicslcy growinge
now weake & feeble by the daily paynes & griefe of the
Strangwry, Consideringe the Fraylc estate of this poore
sinful! life. And beinge now about the age of yeares
doe ordayne and make this my last will and testament as
foUoweth. And first for my religion & devotion towards
God, my faith in Christ, & my loue to his Saintes & Ser-
uantes on Earth, I do freely, boldly & Constantly beleeve
& Confesse against the damnable heresies of Turkes,
Pagans, Jewes, Papists, all Phantasticall ffamilists & all
other
:nt; 2 and 3,
twin brother of
Wife's name unknown.
Children :
Robert, bom Feb. 13, 1611. Ursula,
bapt. Jan. 7, 1617.
r
Jievett,
badnt,
aell^bigail,
lfiS|27, 1614;
»t. 26,
I, Nov.
hlartha,
I 2,1611;
be as a
iy inher-
Jos-
; Ben-
{i, Eliza-
{
Name of wife un-
known.
Anne J^cvett,
Married Mar. 1623,
and Mar. 27, 1627.
Chris. Topham,
Merchant and Al-
derman of York,
died, 1625.
Joseph Miokle-
thwaite, Pbysioia
died Sept. 7, 1668.
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APPENDIX. 141
other old or newe hereticall devises whatsoever, that same
holy ffaith sound doctrine of Saluation by Christ alone,
which is published & taught in the Church of England &
which I have beene learninge all my life out of the pure
fountayne of the vnchangeable word of God, both in the
Vniuersitie of Cambridge for the Space of Tenne yeares,
& in the Countrie euer since & w^ I haue now by the spec-
iall grace of God publikelye taught & preached constantly
both in the South & North parts, & in my owne Charge
especially about the space of years Continuinge to
the extent of reasonable abilitie, to reade, expound, Cate-
chise, pray, preach, & sing Psalmes, & neuer at better ease
then when I am so occupied ; Then for my first Callinge
unto & charge of this Rectorie, whereunto it pleased
God to call mee beinge come fro Cambridge when I was
24 years old to see my friends & stayinge to preach at
Skipton Castle by the request of y^ noble Earle George
& his Lady Margaret Countesse of Cumberland Daugh-
ter to y^ most noble & worth ie ffrancis Earle qf Bedford,
& there continuinge about a yeare and an halfe preach-
inge in Craven & once or twise at Giesley vpon intreaty,
it pleased God thereby to worke such an earnest desire
& constant resolution in my Predecessor Mr. Bateman
to resigne & giue ouer his Charge of this people, by
reason of his owne disabilitie, that the noble Earle of
Huntington
142 APPENDIX.
Huntington vnderstandinge thereof did acquaint my
Lord of Cumberland & his Ladye therew^ & moved
them to make it knowne to that most worthie Earle of
Bedford writinge his owne ho^^^ letter also to Patron at
the Court, w^ the Earle of Bedford sollicitinge & pcur-
inge the helpe of his noble ffriends the Earle of War-
wicke, his Son in Lawe, the Lo : Peregrin Bartu Lord
Willobye, The Earle of Oxford & S*" ffrancis Walsing-
ham, being all about the Court, & hauinge heard mee
preach it pleased God so to move all their harts as to
ioyne their purses together & to purchase the Patrons
title of p^sentinge for euer & to passe their title vnto the
Lord Willobye only, who did beare the greatest part of
the Charge, & his honor to p^sent mee first, & after to
passe the whole Title to mee foreuer, w^ his Lor? did
most Ho^^y performe under the Scale of his Armes, &
therefore I do w^ all reverence & thankfullnesse Comend
their worthie Zeale & holy care to set forward the preach-
inge of the Gospell as a pattern to all posteritie & in this
holy faith & true religion : i : to beleeve only in the
infinite mercies of God the ffather by the merits of the
sufferings & righteousnesse of Jesus Christ through the
grace of the holy sanctifyinge spirit, & to worship this
onely true and eternall God the ffather son & holy Ghost,
3 persons & one God accordinge to his owne word w*
out
APPENDIX. 143
out any other Romish, Earthly or humane inventions
(except such only as for order, decency, or edification) &
sincerely to loue the Brethren y* do the like, I do most
ioyfully & constantly Hue & dye, as for the controu'sies
in our Church about ceremonies & the order and manner
of gouernment, this is my comfort y* wee cannot iustly
be charged w* anything y* is simply evill & contrary to
Gods word though many learned & good men haue
alwaies holden & do still hold, & y* w* great reason y*
needlesse ceremonies greatly abused in Poperie & re-
maininge still in our church are very inconvenient &
dangerous & therefore ought by the authority & zeale
of our Christian gou'nours in conuenient time to bee
removed & not multiplyed : howsoeu[er] for the time by
the wisdome & humility of ye modest & discreet people
they may bee tolerated, & yet this also in this case is
not the least part of my griefe to see so great and strong
opposition, euen to the hazards & losse of their estates &
callings, yea to the touch & liuelyhood of many godly
and learned men, in things of small moment, not touch-
inge matter but manner, not substance but ceremonies,
not piety but pollicie, not deuotion but decencie, not
conscience but comelinesse ; Wherein for myselfe, I do
confesse, y^ as I could neuer take vpon mee to bee a
resolute Patron of such humane ordinances, should I
neu[er]
144 APPENDIX.
neu[er] fynd lUst cause of sufficient waight to warrant my
selfe or any other to oppose or renounce them, being
comanded by lawfull Authority, but rather regardinge
the peace of our Church the liberty of the Gospell &
obedience to Authoritie, I haue held it to befitte & con-
venient to submit myselfe to a wise & discreet tolera-
tinge & vsinge of them till the time of reformation ; And
I haue euer laboured to perswade all others (either
remaininge w^ mee, or resortinge vnto mee) to follow the
same Course whereof 'there are many witnesses yet
liuinge, & many others who are w* the Lord. But most
wofull & lamentable aboue all other abuses, are those
dangerous & sacrilegious robberies & spoyles of our
Churches both in the South & in the North parts
whereby our Rectories & Parsonages are inappropriated
& wrongfullie turned into the possession of Covetous
worldlings, & so into vicarages & miserable Curatships
of 5^S lo** or 20 marks pensions per annum, or the like,
w*^ most fearfull & bloody robberie the Devill first devised
& practiced by y^ robbinge Romish vsurped power
vnder p^tence of holinesse & charitable relievings of his
floystred munkeries, Abbats & nunries &c, most griev-
ously wronginge thereby the maiesty of God himselfe w*
the Princes & people also of the world, this monstrous
cryinge abuse hath beene so suffered & continued eu[er]
since
APPENDIX. 145
since the death of K : H : the 8^^, as y^ all the godly En-
deavours & zealous care of our famous Ks. & Qs. w^ our
most reuend Bishops & Ho:^^® nobles & whole Estate
could neu[er] reforme the same & vpon this wofuUspoill
& decay of our Church livings Satan hath too violently
& necessarily drawne in another mischiefe worse (if pos-
sible) then the former, w*^ is our blind guides or igno-
rant readinge Ministers the very poyson & plague of
our Churches the disgrace & shame of the gospell &
destruction of our people, for insufficient maintenance
hath bred insufficient Ministers & these two are the
most wofull & dangerous in our English Church & most
necessarie to bee reformed. But the Christian care of our
gracious King, our most reuend Bishops (whose princi-
pall care & charge it ought to bee) our zealous nobles &
godly subiects w^ holy worke the Lord for his mercy
wolde bring to passe in his good appoynted time to the
glorie of his name & Comfort of his Church. And for
my earthly estate w^ is not greate but such as God in
his mercifull providence hath iuged & appoynted to
bee best for mee, first for my freehold lands, as God
hath giuen dius Tenements and Lahds vnto mee so do
I for his sake & to be a poore example of holy devotion
& charity to others of better ability freely & cheerfully
•
giue one speciall Tenement in Menston now in the
Tenour
146 APPENDIX.
Tenour of Christopher Watson of the yearly rent of 5^^
or as it shall bee reasonablie valued hereafter, w* y^ con-
sent of the sayd schoolemaster vnto y® schoolehouse w^ I
have lately builded & to the schoolemaster thereof for his
better maintenance w* all the buildings, Garth & Crofte
on the backside & all other Closes Crofts & landes there-
vnto belonginge w* all their appurtenances, in Menston
aforesayd now in the Tenure of the said Christopher
Watson or his assignes, prouided alwaies & vpon this
condition y* the sayd schoolemaster bee alwaies chosen
& appointed by the Rector of the Church & to have his
dyet & lodgeinge in the Hall and Parsonage w* the
Churchinge duties or Tenne Pounds in lue thereof if
the said schoolemaster cann better pVide for himselfe.
And secondlie for those ffreehold Lands in Menston
which I bought of W. Jeffray Pickard & his sonne Wil-
liam as appeareth by the deeds therof I doe give them
all to my naturall sonne and heire Timothye More to-
gether with one little Deske in my greate Parlour con-
taininge the deeds & writings thereof : that is to say all
that Capitall Messuage with all the Lands now in his
own occupation thereunto belonginge or in the occupa-
tion of his Assignes for & during the Tearme of his natu-
rall life And to the heires of his body lawfully begotten
or LawefuUy to be begotten
and
APPENDIX. 147
and for defalt of such heires then I doe give all those
said Lands vnto Jeremye Levett my Grandsonne and to
his heires for ever accordinge to one deede of ffeoffment
which I haue heretofore made to my worthy ffreinds &
kinsfolkes, M^ Doctor Micklethwaite & M^ Parsevall
Levett, Cittizens of Yorke whereby I haue intaild all
those Lands unto my said Grandsonne Levett for the
Tearme of his Life and to the heires of his body Law-
fully begotten for ever. I doe also giue unto him the
said Jeremy Levet all my best bookes & best Apparrell :
But as for those other Three Litle Tenements remain-
ing in my owne right & disposing Lyinge in Menston or
Burleywoodhead, the first whereof beinge late in the
Tennour of Robert Nixon and now in the Tennour of
Walter Fournesse of the yearly rent of seaven Nobles ;
the second in the Tennour of Richard Sunderland of the
yearely rent of a Marke ; and the Third in the Tennour
of Richard Eldsworth of Burley Woodhead of the yearely
rent of fforty shillings I doe give them all with all the
Lands buildings and all appurtenances therevnto belong-
inge vnto my Grandaughter Marye Levett and to her
heires and Assignes forever in regard of her CarefuU
attendance about me and her diligent respect of my
howse keepinge because her portion is the weakest of
all my Three Grandchildren, As for all other Lands &
Tenements
19
148 APPENDIX.
Tenements in Burley, Burley woodhead or elsewhere
which hee my sonne Timothy hath bought by himself e or
with my helpe, I leave them all to his owne disposinge.
And for my Coppyhold Lands in the Forrest of Kharese-
brough I have disposed and surrendered them hereto-
fore as appeareth ; Now for my goods vpon this Condi-
tion that my said sonne & heire doe not att anytime
hereafter make any Clame thereof or doe not trouble
my Executors about the same, I doe giue vnto him one
greate Siluer bowle with two greate Siluer Spoones &
two Lesse Siluer Spoones and one litle Siluer peice
for wine & one gold Ringe with all Tables Bedsteads &
other household Stuffe remaininge in the howse att
Menston wherein hee now dwelleth: And I doe also
give vnto my Granddaughter Mary Levett the iust
somme of Three hundred Pounds for mendinge her
portion ; Now for my Worthy Learned & Wor^^ Sonne
in Lawe M' Robert Hitch I doe give vnto him all that
title and right which I have in the disposinge of the
Rectory, or Parsonage of the Church & Parrish of Gies-
ley which was assured & convayed vnto me by the right
j^Qbie Peregrine Lord Willobye vnder the Scale of his
Armes with all the evidences thereof assuringe myselfe
that if my Said Sonne in Lawe M^ Hitch .bee not my
next Sucessor that then my most hopefull Grandsonne
M^ Jeremy
APPENDIX. 149
M^ Jeremy Levette shalbe my next Successor & none
other accordinge to his most faithful! promisse which
hee hath freely made vnto mee : in assured hope whereof
I doe also give vnto him my best bedstead in the greate
Parlour with the greate wainscott Presse and Portall all
the Glasse with the Iron Barres & Casements with all the
Lowse window Soles & the Wainscott pertitions in the
Hall Parlours, Kitchen Iling roomes, Gallerye Chambers
with all the Mapps and Pictures with all the Seats & Shel-
ues therein & all the loose boards in the high Lofts &
over the Oxen & Calves with all other Swall & Timber
in the Laith, fould or wood and all the Timber for the
Dove Coate with all Stees and heckes and Plancers in
the Stable beast howses or fould, with all the Doores
Lockes & Keys in the Hall, out Kitching, Stables, Gar-
ners, Layths as they are now, with the same Steepfatt
and all other Stone troughes ; the out portall gate & all
the gates about the fould, with all other petitions, ffences
& Dowres about the inner Courte, Garden & Orchard,
the value of all which I leave to his owne Estimation :
and doe thinke them all to litle in regard of his true
harted Love to his brother Levett & his Sister Mary
my howsekeeper ; And my will is that all these Severall
Parselles doe remaine & continue to the vse of my said
Grandsonne Levet when hee shall enter vnto it, and I
doe
I50 APPENDIX.
doe give vnto my said Grandsonne M^ Hitch one little
Ironbund Chist or Coffer with severall petitions for
swerall Coynes & two Gaueling Staves in the Hall. It,
I give to Cozen Ogden in Yorke 40^, and to my honest
religious Cozen Snawdon for his children 20^. And to
my true Convert M^ Goulsbrough 20^ to bee payd vnto
him the ffirst day of May w^ is after my death soe longe
as he Lives ; To Robert Oldfeild 20^ To Grace Deni-
son xv^ To Ellen Bransby vj^ viij^. To Isaacke Illing-
worth vj^ viij^' To Tho : Sergant v^ To Ro : Dinison
of Yeddon 5^. To John Rimer vj^ viij^ To my Curate
Tenn Shillings, To my Clarke flfive Shillings ; and to
Hollins Twelue pence ; ffor my buriall dutyes ; To Eight
power Children which I have bound ovt Apprentises
every one of them Twelve pence. To litle Isaack
Illingworth xij^. Item, I give vnto Mr. Charles Ffair-
fax my wor^^ & Religious Neighbour my Steile Speire
in the Portall & two Gaueling Staues in the Kitching ; &
M*^ ffairfax my perfume gilded bellowes & to my Grand-
daughter M^s Sara Hitch my Pepper Millne & my greate
Abbay grater ; And yett to shew my further Care &
Charitable towards all orderly poore besides our dayly
releife, att our monthly Cesments our vsuall Collections
att all our Communions ; And my yearely givinge of
Eight or Tenn Pounds out of my owne private Box
for
APPENDIX. 151
for the vse of the power. I doe give ffower Nobles to
every Towne a Noble to be dealt to every power house
ffower pence or Sixpence by the dischretion of the
officers in every Towne with the consent of Thomas
Bailey, Abraham Bayston, Mathew Smith & William
Morrell & to haue noe beggin att my ffunerall, And my
will is this to bee done in the morninge or about Sonne
Sett ; the greate bell onely beinge told in going to &
ffrom Church And euery honest able housholder of
this Towne havinge vj^ sent an houre before or two ; to
accompany my Corpes And to have two or Three Pot-
tells of Clarrett wine and a Manchett loafe beinge Cutt
in fower in the Hall when it goeth forth ; And onely
the buriall prayers in the Church and soe home ; And
thus my Debts Legacies & ffunerall expenses beinge
discharged, The rest of my goods I give to my three
Children M^ Robert Hitch M^ Jeremy Levett & Mary
Levett to be equally devided amongest them ; whome
I also make my Joynt Executors of this my Last will &
Testament. Domine Jesu veni Cito Amen. Sealed &
deliuered in the presence of vs Raiph Oates, Curate.
Abraham Baitsonne. Et Septimodie Mensis Octobres
Anno D'm 1644 probatum fuit hujus testamenti per
testimonium Jeremioe Levet.
ROBERT MORE.
INDEX.
Pages.
Aberieney, 110, IIO71
Abnakis, 82,92,93,110
Adams, Nathaniel, Annals of Portis-
mouth, 90
Alger, Thomas 126
Algiers, 16
All Saints Pavement, 7, ix
Anni-seeds, 120
" Anspedwell," the, 46
Aquamenticus River, 92, 92n
Arambega, 82
•* Arbella." the 76
Argall, Capt. Samuel 41
Armada, the 3
Arundel, Thomas Howard, Earl of,
81, 82
Autograph of Levett, Christopher,
29, 31. 37, 66, 66, 69, 62, 64, 66
Bailey, Thomas 161
Baitsonne, Abraham 161
Baker, Edmund 126
Bancroft's United States, 83
Banks, Dr. Charles E xl
Barnsby, Ellen 160
Pages.
Basket Island, aS
Bastable, 102
Bateman, Rev 141
Bay of Biscay, 33
Bay of Cadiz, 33
Bayston, Abraham 161
Beauvois. Eugene 82
Bedford, Francis,* Earl of 141, 142
Beecher. Sir Willm 70
Berry's Sussex Genealogy, 2
Blddeford 21
Biddeford Pool 21,93
Blunder, Sir George 36
" Bonneventure," the 46
Boothbay, 101
Boston Harbor, 90
Bradford, Gov. William 84, 91
Bradford, Gov. William, History of
Plymouth Plantation, 16, 84
Brewster, Edward vii
Bristol, (England),. .X, 76, 76n, 77, 91
British Museum, 7
Brown, Rev. Frederick xi
Bryant, Hubbard W xi
Buckingham, Duke of,. 4, 6, 13, 30, 53,
INDEX.
153
65, 66, 67, 69, 60, 62, 63, 73, 81. 81n
Biirk's Virginia, 83
Burley Woodhead. 147, 148
Cabot, Sebastian 6, 77
Cabots, the x
Cadiz, ..33,34,40
Caldwell, Mr 71
Calender of State Papers, 84
Calles, 40, 41, 46. 47. 48. 60
Cambridge, (England) 4
Cape Ann, 122
Cape Cod, 20, 41, 48
Cape Da Boca, 40
Cape Elizabeth, 99, 101, 106
Capemanwagan, 101, 104
Cape Mondego, 40
Cape Porpoise, , . . . 18, 93
Cape of Sagadahock, 101
Cape St. Vincent, .40
Casco, 24, 101 . 102, 104, 126
Casco Bay, 3, 24, 27, 31, 61, 67, 76.
101, 106
Casco River, 106
Cecil, Edward 32
Cersa-perilla, 120
Champlain, Sieur Samuel de...21. 89
Chapman 126,128
Charles I, ix, 27. 30, 68. 81
Charles, Prince 26
Charter House. xi
Cherry Trees, 120
Chestnuts 120
Choiiacoet 93
Cleeve, George 99
Cogawesco, 24, 102, 103, 104, 111
Coke, Mr 102
Coke, Sir John . . ..ix, 27, 28, 30, 31, 84
3t, 39, 66, 66, 67, 68, 60, 63, 66
Cole, Amias, ;..90/i
Collins, Dr. F xi, 6
Columbus, Christoper . . . . ^ 5
Conway, (Indian chief) 108, 111
Conway, Edward, Lord ix, 13, 15
31.71
Conway's Letter Book ix, 13
Cornwall. 61
Council for planting, ruling, and gov-
erning New England,. .11, 12, 13,
14, 16, 25, 36, 46, 74, 81, 82»i, 107
Council for Virginia, 32. 35
Cowper, Lord, . ix
Craven, 141
Cromwell, Oliver 1 35
Cromwell, Sir Oliver 85, 45
Croo, Henry 63
Crystal Hill, 20.98
Cumberland. 101
Cumberland. George, Earl of, 141, 142
Cumberland, Margaret, Countess of,
141
Cushing's Island, 21, 99
Dallaway's Sussex, 2
De Costa, B.F 83
Delaware, Lord 41, 83
DeMonts, 21
Denison, Grace 160
Derbyshire, ix
Devereux, Robert 43
Diamond Island, 21,99
Dinison, Ro. : 160
Doncaster, xi, 72, 73
Doncaster Bridge. 72
Don River, 72
Dorsetshire vii,8, 35
154
INDEX.
Dover, (England) 20
Downing, Emanuel 76
Drake, Sir Francis 3,4,33
"DreadnaughV'the 45
Dunk^rkers, 51
Eagle Island, 03
Eldsworth, Richard 147
Elizabeth. Queen 5, 43
Elizabethan Age, the 4
Endicott, John x, 74, 76
England, 5, 16, 25, 32, 35, 36, 38, 47.
120. 121
Essex, Earl of, 41, 43, 49
Exeter. Earl of, 32
Fairfax, Charles 150
•' Fairmaids," 51
Fane, Mr ix
Farrington, 11
Fish, strange, 85
Fisheries, the 38, 92, 99, 101, 120, 122n,
132
Fletchers' Neck, 93
Fore River, 21, 100. 105
Forests, protection of, 10, 11
Forster's Yorkshire, 2
Foumesse, Walter . 147
Fowl abundant, 91, 120
France, 30, 60
Friar's Bridge 72
Frobisher, Sir Martin 4
Fulford 6, xi
Fumados, 51
Gardiner, Sir Christopher. . . .75, 76/i
Giesley, see Guisley.
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey 4
Goold's Portland, ....107
Gooseberries, 120
Gorgeana, 92
Gorges, SirFerdinando,.,.ll, 12», 15,
16, 18, 22, 23, 31, 31n, 37, 43, 76, 83,
90, 92, 105
Gorges, Robert 15, 16n, 17, 31, 81, 90,
91, 102
Gouldsborough, (Maine) 150
Greenwich, (England) 15
Guisley, 6, 7, ix, 141, 148
Hackett, Frank W 90
Hakluyt Richard, 27
Hamburgers, 51
Harleian Society, 2
Hartwell, Henrico 76
Harvey, Capt. John .54
Harvey, Sir John 83,84
Heath, Ro 70
Henrietta, Princess 25
Henry I, •. 2, viii
Henry VII 1
Henry VIII, 145
Herrings, 99
Hitch, Robert 148, 150, 151
Hitch, Sara 150
Holdemess, John, Earl of 81,82
Hollins, 150
Horsford, Eben N 82
House Island, 21. 99, 105, 106
Hudson, Henry 82
Hunter's, Doncaster 2
Hunter's, South Yorkshire 2
Huntington, Earl of 141, 142
Illingworth, Isaac 150
Indians, ) 20. 22, 23, 24. 57, 67, 82, 90,
Savages, j 92, 98, 101, 105, 106, 108,
114, 115
Iron, 121
INDEX.
155
Isle of Rh^,. (50, 62
Isles asses hautes, 89
Isles of Sholes, 17, 89, 90, 122
James I,. . .5, 8, 30, 36, 72, 81, 109, 117
Jarvis, John, Earl of St. Vincent, . .40
Jellburt, Captain 45
Jesuit Colony at Mount Desert,. . .41
Jones, William vii, 7, 8, 71
Kennebunk River, 18
Khareseborough, 148
Killultagh, Viscount 15
Leary, Lieutenant 107
Levett Arms, viii, 1
Levett, Capt. Christopher, entitled of
Yorkshire, 2 ; baptism of, 2 ; par-
entage of, 2, 3; little known of
the youth of, 3 ; education of, 4 ;
avenues for his advancement re-
stricted^ 5 ; attached to Bucking-
ham, 6, 7; intimate with the
More family, 6 ; married Mercy
More, 7 ; children bom of the first
marriage, 7 ; employed in the
royal forest, 7; his work as
Timber Measurer, 7, 8 ; value of
his book, 9 ; rarity of the book,
9n ; Woodward of Somersetshire,
10, 11 ; death of his wife, 11 ;
second marriage of, 11 ; children
of the second marriage, 11; con-
templated a voyage to New Eng-
land, 13; land grant to, (1623),
13, 13n ; Conway's letter concern-
ing, 14, 15 ; not successful in in-
teresting his Yorkshire friends
in the enterprise, 15 ; set out for
20
New England, 15, 16n; at Isles
of Shoals, 17, 89, 90 ; at Odioms'
Point, 17, 90n; met Thompson,
Gorges and members of the new
government, 17, 90, 91; coasted
eastward, 17-24, 92, 93; his
cheerful spirit, 19, 73, 74, 96;
seized with a chill, 21, 97 ; found
the Indians friendly and hospi-
table, 23, 100, 101, 102; decided
upon a place of settlement, 24,
104, 105, 105n ; erected a fortified
building, 24, 105 ; bade adieu to
the Indians, 24; reached Eng-
land, 25 ; found none bold enough
to assist in colonization, 25, 26 ;
sought a command in foreign ser-
vice, 26 ; spent Christmas (1624)
at Sherborne, 26 ; letter to Coke,
27, 28, 29; chafed under en-
forced idleness, 30; letter to
Coke, 30, 31 ; became interested
with Gorges, 31 ; disappeared
from sight for a brief period, 31 ;
in the expedition of Oct. 5, 1625,
against Spain, 31--34; letter to
Coke, 34-37; desired command
of the Neptune, 36, 37 ; asked to
give an account of the expedition
to Cadiz, 37, 38; practical sug-
gestions of, 38, 39; desired to ap-
pear before the Council, 39, 52 ;
his proposals how to reduce the
power of Spain, 39-53; applied
to Nicholas for a ship, 53, 54, 55 ;
appealed to Coke, 55, 56; not
forgetful of his plantation in New
England, 57 ; his dependence on
156
INDEX.
Coke, 67; wearied with petty
jealoasies, 67 ; letter to Coke, 68,
69 ; lost sight of for nearly a year,
69; not with Buckingham, at
Isle of Rh^, 60; letter to Coke
beseeching him not to let New
England fall into the hands of
the enemy, 61, 62 ; met Bucking-
ham, 63; letter to Coke, 63, 64;
his opinions relative to New Eng-
land, 64-66 ; his persistence bore
fruit, 66, 67; grant from the
King, 68-71 ; contributions taken
up, 71 ; prepared an account of
his experience in New England,
71; petitioned parliament, 1627,
in relation to his collecting tolls
at his bridges, 71, 72 ; his patent
not sustained, 72, 73, 73n ; busy
with his schemes of settlement,
73 ; met Winthrop at Salem, 74,
76; how came he in New Eng-
land, 74, 76 ; died and was buried
at sea, 76, 76n ; his ship met by
his widow, 76 ; his estate admin-
istered by his widow, 76, 76m,
77n; his character, 19, 24, 73,
74; autograph, 29, 31, 37, 66, 56,
69,62,64,66; mentioned, vii, viii,
89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 99, 100, 103,
106n, 106, 109. 110, 113, 122, 126,
140.
Levett, Elizabeth viii. ix, x, 11
Levett, Mrs. Elizabeth 1
Levett family, 1,4
Levett, Frances x, 76
Levett Inn, 4
Levett, Jeremy 4, 7, 147, 149, 151
Levett, John 4, 4»i
Levett, Mary 7, 147, 148, 149, 161
Levett, Mercy 6, 7, 1 1
Levett, Percival viii, 2, 147, 149
Levett, Rebecca 7
Levett, Richard 3
Levett, Robert 1
Levett, Sarah 7
Levett, Thomas 1
Levett, Timothy 11
Levett, William 72
Levett's Book, xi
Levett's River, 22.100
London. vii, ix, xi
Lottisham, Frances 11
Lottisham, Oliver 11
Love, Capt. Thomas 46
Mackey, James 106
Mackey's Island, , 106
Macworth, Arthur 22
Macworth's Island, xii, 22, 106
Madena, Duke of 43, 49
Maine, 18
Maine Historical Society vii, 107
Maine, Province of 26
Mansfeldt, Count 26
Maria, Princess of Spain 26
Martin, Richard 22
Martin's Point, 22
Mason, Capt. John 76, 90
Massachusetts, 90, 122
Massachusetts Bay, 74
Massachusetts Historical Society
Publications, 90
Maverick, Amias 90
Maverick's Description of New Eng-
land 107
INDEX.
157
Maverick, Samuel 90, 106, 107
Melbourne House, ix, 27, 39
Melton, viii, 1, 2
Menawormet, 102,111
Menston,. . . 145, 146, 147
Micklethwaite, Mr. Dr 147
Mill Bridge, 72
Millers* Doncaster, 2
Monhegan Island, 20, 98, 104
Monopolies. 12, 72
More, Mercy ix, 6
More, Rev. Robert 6
More, Rev. Robert, Will of 140
More, Timothy 146, 148
Morrell, William 16, 151
Morton, Thomas, 76, 76n
Mosquitoes, 123
Mount Desert, 41
Munjoy Island, 22
Murphy, Henry 82
Negro Island, 93
Neiirs Virginia Carolorum, 54
" Neptune," the 36. 37
New England, vii, viii, ix, x, 11, 13,
15, 16, 16/1, 17,25,28,31. 36,37,
38, 41, 61, 52, 53, 67, 61, 63, 67,
70, 71. 73. 74, 75, 82, 83, 84. 85,
89, 98, 105, 114, 121, 122, 123, 126,
127. 131, 138.
New England Patent, 25
Newfoundland. 51
New Plymouth, see Plymouth, Mass.
Nicholas, Edward 53, 54, 55, 57
NicoU, Ferdinando 76
Nixon, Robert 147
Normanton, viii, 1
Northern Colony, 81
North Yarmouth, 101
Norumbega, 82
Nova Albion, 82
Gates, Ralph 151
Odiorne's Point, 17, 90
Ogden, 150
Oldfield, Robert 150
Old Orchard Beach, 21
Opparun wi t, Ill
Oxford, Earl of, 142
Pannaway, 90,90»
Paradise of New England, the... .122
Paris, 59
Pascataquack, 76
Pascattaway 92
Paul's Churchyard, vii
Pawwawes, 116
Paynter, Rev. Henry, 76n, 77/i
Peaks' Island, 21,99
Pemaquid 102, 103, 122
Pennington, Thomas 56
Penobscots, the 23
Pesmokanti, 92
Pickard, William 146
Pickard, W. Jeffrey 146
Pierce, Capt. William 74
Pilchards, 51
Pilgrims, the 91
Pipe-staves, 121
Piscataqua, 76
Piscataqua River, 17, 90
Pitch, 121
" Plantation." the 83
Plum trees. 120
158
INDEX.
Plymouth, (England,) 30, 31, 34, 39,
62, 76, 90
Plymouth, (Massachusetts,) 12, 16,82,
84, 84n, 91, 122, 127
" Poor Johns," 61
Popham, Sir John 28
Portland, (Maine,) xi, 77
Portland Harbor 21, 23, 67, 99
Portsmouth, (England,) 64
Portsmouth, (New Hampshire,) 90, 92
Power Children, the 160
Presumpscot Fall, 22, 100
Presumpscot River, 22, 23, lOOn
Prince Society, 12, 16
Privy Council 16, 67, 76, 76, 82
Probate of Bristol, x
Public Record Office, 13
Public Records, ix
Puntal, Fort at, aS, 41, 44
Purchase, S 4
Putney, Baron Cecil 32
Quack. 97,99, 102, 104
Quack, name given to the territory
explored by Levett, 21
Ralegh, Sir Walter 4, 11
Ram Island, 93
Raspes, 120
Ratcliff, Philip 76
Records of Council of New England,
13
Rh6, Isle of 60, 62
Richmond Island,. . .... 22
Rich , Robert, 82
Rimer, John 150
Rochelle, 56,60
Rolls House, xi
Rotherforth, Alexander 3
Rotherforth, Elizabeth vlii, 3
Rotherforth, Robert 3
Rouse, Nicholas 126
Saco, 18. 21,93, 93n
Saco Bay, 97
Saco River, 17, 19, 20, 93, 94, 96, 97,
98
Sadamoyt, 23
Sagadahock 101
Sagadahoc River, 23
St. Martin 60
St. Mary, port of, 49
St. Mary's Bridge, 72
St. Michael le Belfry, 7
Salem x, 74, 76, 76, 76»
Salmon, 99,100
Salmon abundant, 22
Sainsbury, William Noel xi
Sassafras, 120
Savages, see Indians.
Sawaguatock, 93
Scrope, Lord Emanuel, 15
Sergan t, Tho 160
Sewairs Ancient Dominions of
Maine, 83
Sherborne, vii, viii, 7, 8, 11, 26, 29, 30,
35, 37, 62, 63, 64, 76, 76n
Shurtleff , Nathaniel B 90
Skelton, Rev. Samuel 74
Skipton Castle, 141
Skitterygusset 23, 111
Smith, Capt John 11, 16n, 82. 89, 122
Smith, Matthew 161
Smith's Isles, 89
Snawdon, 160
Snydale, 1
INDEX.
159
Somerset, 102, 103, 108, 111, 112
Somersetshire, vii, 10, 11
Sother Cape, 40, 44, 48, 50
Southern Colony, 81
Southport 101
Sowocatack, 93
Spain, ... .3, 26. 31, 32/i, 33, 38, 39, 41
52,67
Spaniards, 3, aS, 34, 40, 41
Spelman, Sir Henry, 13
Spurwink, 17, 20. 99
Squibb, Capt. Thomas, 16
Squanto, 115, 116
Stage Island, 93
State Papers, 83,84
Stoke's Bay 56,66
Strawberries, 120
Stuart, James 5
Sturgions, 99
Sunderland. Earl of, .... : 15
Sunderland. Richard 147
" Susan and Ellen," the. .32, 37, 56, 56
" Swiftsure," the 41
Sykes, Dr. John xi
Tanto, 112, 116,116
Tar, 121
Tarrantens, 112
Thaker, Mr. 29
Thevet's Cosmogrophie, 82
Thompson, David 17, 90
Thompson, Mrs. David 90
Timber in English forests. 10
good store of, in New Eng-
land,.... 91.92,101,121
Trelawny Papers, 90, 92, 107, 126
Trelawny , Robert 22, 105
Tucker, Richard 99
Verrazano, Hieronimus 83
Vetromile's Abuakis. 82
Villiars, George, see Buckingham,
Duke of.
Vines, Richard, 21, 22
Virginia, 54, 66, 81, 82, 83
Virginia Company, , . . 5
Walnuts, 120
Walsingham, Sir Francis 142
Warwick, Earl of 81,142
Waters, Henry F., xi
Watson, Christopher 146
Waymouth, Capt. George 99
Wentworth, Sir Thomas 73
Wessagussett, 91
West, Lady Anne 83
West, Capt. Francis 16. I6/1, 82, 83, 84
West Indies, 38, 61, 52
West, Sir Thomas 83
Weston, Mr. 16, 126, 126
Weston, Thomas. 91, 91/i
Weymouth. (Massachusetts,) 91
White Mountains, 94
Wiggin, Capt. Thomas 76
" William," the 76
Will of Rev. Robert More, 140
Willoughby, Lord Peregrin, 142
Wimbledon, Lord 32, 33, 34, 4()w
Winter, John 22,106,126
Winthrop's Journal, x
Winthrop's, Gov. John, New Eng-
land, 74,76,76
Winthrop, John, Jr 76
Witheridge, Mr. 102
Woodhouse, 1
Wood Island, 93
Wood's New England Prospect,.. 110
Yardley, Sir George .
Yeddon,
York, Cowity of, ( vii
Yorkshire, )
York Deeds,
York, (England,) viil, ix, xl. 2. 7, 13,
14, 147, IGO
York, <Maine.) 24, 65. 92,09, 101, 102,
104
York, President of, 13,15
YorkUiver, IS
Young's, Aleinnder, Chronicles of
the Pilgrims, HO
Note. This indei was made by Kdward Ueuham, Esq., ot New Bedford, Mass.
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The Gorges Society.
LIST OF members, 1893.
Adams, Charles Francis
American Antiquarian Soc.
Astor Library,
Balcom, George Lewis
Banks, Charles Edward
Barrett, Franklin Ripley
Barrett, George Potter
Baxter, Clinton Lewis
Baxter, Hartley Cone
Baxter, James Phinney
Belfast Free Library,
Bell, Charles Henry
Berry, Stephen
Blue, Archibald
Boston.
Worcester.
New York.
Claremont, N. H.
Portland, Me.
Belfast, Me.
Exeter, N. H.
Portland.
Toronto.
l62
GORGES SOCIETY.
Bodleian Library,
Bonython, John Langdon
Boston Athenaeum,
Boston Pubh'c Library,
Bowdoin College Library,
Bradbury, James Ware
Briggs, Herbert Gerry
Brown, Carroll
Brown, John Marshall
Brown, John Nicholas
Brown, Philip Henry
Brown, Philip Greely
Bryant, Hubbard Winslow
Burnham, Edward Payson
Burrage, Henry Sweetser
Chadenat, Charles
Chicago Public Library,
Cleaves, Nathaniel Porter
Colby University Library,
Cole, Alfred
Columbia College Library,
Conant, Frederic Odell
Cornell University,
Cutter, Abram Edmands
Dana, Woodbury Storer
Oxford.
Adelaide, So. Australia.
Boston.
t(
Brunswick, Me.
Augusta, Me.
Portland.
(t
u
Providence.
Portland.
i(
((
Saco, Me.
Portland.
Paris, France.
Chicago.
(t
Waterville, Me.
Buckfield, Me.
New York.
Portland.
Ithaca, N. Y.
Boston.
Portland.
LIST OF MEMBERS.
163
Deering, Henry
Denham, Edward
Detroit Public Library,
Drummond, Josiah Hayden
Dufoss^, Edouard,
Elder, Janus Granville
Fessenden^ Francis
Fogg, John Samuel Hill
Gay, Frederic L.
Gerrish, Frederic Henry
Hackett, Frank Warren
Hale, Clarence
Hale, Eugene
Hammond, George Warren
Harris, Benjamin Foster
Harvard University Library,
Healy, James Augustine
Hill, Winfield Scott
Hollingsworth, S.
Hunt, David
Hyde, William Sage
Jillson, Clark
Johnson, Edward
Jordan, Fritz Hermann
Lamb, George
Portland.
New Bedford.
Detroit, Mich.
Portland.
Paris.
Lewiston, Me.
Portland.
Boston.
n
Portland.
Portsmouth, N. H.
Portland.
Ellsworth, Me.
Yarmouthville, Me.
Portland.
Cambridge, Mass.
Portland.
Augusta, Me.
Boston.
u
Ware, Mass.
Worcester, Mass.
Belfast, Me.
Portland.
Cambridge, Mass.
21
164
GORGES SOCIETY.
Lapham, William Berry
Libby, Charles Freeman
Library of Congress,
Library of Parliament,
Little, George Thomas
Littlefield, George Emery
Locke, Ira Stephen
Locke, Joseph Alvah
Long Island Historical Soc,
Lowell City Library,
Maine Historical Society,
Maine State Library,
Maling, Henry Martyn
Manning, Prentice Cheney
Manson, Alfred Small
Massachusetts Hist. Society,
Massachusetts State Library,
Merrill, Margaret T. W.
Mosely, Edward Strong
New Bedford Public Library,
Newberry Library,
New England Historic Genea
logical Society,
New York Historical Society,
New York State Library,
Augusta, Me.
Portland.
Washington.
Ottawa.
Brunswick, Me.
Boston.
Portland.
tt
Brooklyn.
Lowell, Mass.
Portland.
Augusta.
Portland.
it
Boston.
n
(i
Portland.
Newburyport, Mass.
New Bedford, Mass.
Chicago.
Boston.
New York.
Albany, N. Y.
LIST OF MEMBERS.
165
Noyes, Edward Ailing
Otis, Albert Boyd
Paine, Nathaniel
Pennsylvania Hist. Society,
Perry, William Stevens
Pierce, Josiah
Poole, William Frederick
Portland Public Library,
Pratt, John Frank
Putnam, William LeBaron,
Rand, George Doane
Reed, Thomas Brackett
Robinson, William P.
Richardson, Charles Francis
Rhode Island Hist. Society,
San Francisco Free Public
Library,
Shapleigh, Waldron
Stearns, Charles Augustus
Stevens, Henry Newton
Symonds, Joseph White
Thayer, Henry Otis
Thompson, Joseph Porter
Trask, William Blake
U. S. Dept. of State Library,
Portland.
Boston.
Worcester, Mass.
Philadelphia.
Davenport, Iowa.
London.
Chicago.
Portland.
Chelsea, Mass.
Portland.
tc
(I
Boston.
Hanover, N. H.
Providence.
San Francisco.
New York.
Boston.
London.
Portland.
Gray, Me.
Portland.
Boston.
Washington, D. C.
i66 GORGES SOCIETY.
Williamson, Joseph Belfast, Me.
Wisconsin State Hist. Society, Madison, Wis.
Woburn Public Library, Woburn, Mass.
Woodbury, Charles Levi Boston,
Woodward, James Otis Albany, N. Y.
Worcester Free Public Library, Worcester, Mass.
>
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